|
COMMISSION FOR ASSISTANCE
TO A FREE CUBA
REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT
JUNE 2006
CONDOLEEZZA RICE
SECRETARY OF STATE
CHAIR
CARLOS GUTIERREZ
SECRETARY OF COMMERCE
CO-CHAIR
Courtesy of:
Dr Manuel Cereijo
La
Nueva Cuba
July 7, 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
....
5
INTRODUCTION
11
CHAPTER 1: HASTENING THE END OF THE CASTRO DICTATORSHIP:
TRANSITION NOT SUCCESSION
I. Introduction
....
14
II. Determinations
..
16
III. Empowering the Cuban People
..
17
IV. Breaking the Regimes Information Blockade
...
21
V. Undermining the Regimes Succession Strategy
...
22
VI. Denying Revenue to the Castro Regime
....
29
CHAPTER 2: HELPING CUBANS RESPOND TO CRITICAL
HUMANITARIAN AND SOCIAL NEEDS
I. Introduction
34
II. Water and Sanitation
..
36
III. Health-Care and Nutrition
.
38
IV. Food Security
42
V. Shelter
..
46
VI. Protection of the Most Vulnerable Populations
.
48
VII. Educational Systems
..
49
CHAPTER 3: HELPING CUBANS GET TO FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS
I. Introduction
52
II. Release of Political Prisoners
.
53
III. Eliminating Legal Obstacles to Freedom of Speech, Freedom of
the Press and Freedom
of Political Association
...
55
IV. Preparing For Competitive Multi-Party Elections And Democratic
Process
...
55
V. Support a Free and Independent Media
..56
VI. Support For Free And Fair Election Administration
.
57
VII. Support For Professional, Institutional Military
60
CHAPTER 4: HELPING CUBANS CREATE MARKET-BASED ECONOMIC
OPPORTUNITIES
I. Introduction
61
II. Macroeconomic Stability
...
62
III. Integration with the International Trade and Financial System
.
64
IV. Encourage Small Business Development
..
66
V. Ensuring Labor Rights are Respected
67
VI. Property Rights and Confiscated Property
.
68
VII. Agriculture
.
69
VIII. Infrastructure
..
70
IX. Issues for a Free Cuba
75
CHAPTER 5: THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
I. Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Respond
to Critical
Humanitarian and Social Needs
77
II. Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Get to
Free and Fair
Elections
...
79
III. Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Create
Market-Based
Economic Opportunities
.
80
CHAPTER 6: THE VITAL ROLE OF CUBANS ABROAD
I. Helping Cubans Respond to Humanitarian and Social Needs...........
83
II. Helping Cubans Get to Free and Fair Elections
.
84
III. Helping Cubans Create Market-Based Economic Opportunities
..
85
CHAPTER 7: PREPARING NOW TO SUPPORT THE TRANSITION
I. Essential Steps to Take Now
..
88
II. Steps to Take Now to Prepare to Help Cubans Respond to Critical
Humanitarian and
Social Needs
.
89
III. Steps to Take Now to Prepare to Help Cubans Get to Free and
Fair
Elections
.
91
IV. Steps to Take Now to Prepare to Help Cubans Create Market-Based
Economic
Opportunities
93
V. Additional Recommended Action
..
93
HASTENING CHANGE IN CUBA:
TRANSITION, NOT SUCCESSION
Since the publication of the 2004 Commission for Assistance to a
Free Cuba
(CAFC) report, there have been important changes both on and off
the island that the
Commission has weighed in making this new set of recommendations.
Today, we see in Cuba a more active civil society, one energized
by a growing sense of what is possible. At the same time, there
are clear signs the regime is using money provided by the Chavez
government in Venezuela to reactivate its networks in the hemisphere
to subvert democratic governments. The Castro regimes international
meddling is done at the expense of the needs of the Cuban people.
There is a growing sense of frustration among ordinary Cubans with
a dictatorship that asks them to sacrifice, but expends considerable
resources in the far flung reaches of the hemisphere and beyond.
Cubans continue to be imprisoned for activities that Americans take
for granted
each and every day: reading and viewing what they wish; accessing
information from the outside world, including the Internet; meeting
in their homes to discuss the future of their country; running a
lending library; or conducting petition drives. Despite the savage
campaign against them by the regime, the Cuban people are losing
their fear and continue to risk life, limb, livelihood, and imprisonment
in search of a better future for their families and their nation.
The Commissions recommendations to hasten democratic change
in Cuba reflect
recognition of the leadership and bravery of the Cuban people. They
also reflect the
Commissions view that the United States and other friends
of democracy should
acknowledge and honor the courage of Cuban democracy activists by
supporting their
efforts to recapture their sovereignty for their fellow Cubans.
Yet at the same time that we see hope and growth in Cuban civil
society, Fidel Castro and his inner circle have begun a gradual
but intrinsically unstable process of succession. The regime is
unquestionably attempting to insulate itself from the consequences
of Fidel Castros incapacitation, death, or ouster. The regime
continues to harden its edges and is feverishly working to forestall
any opportunity for a genuine
democratic transition on the island.
The current regime in Havana is working with like-minded governments,
particularly Venezuela, to build a network of political and financial
support designed to forestall any external pressure to change. This
state of affairs highlights the urgency of working today to ensure
that the Cuban transition is genuine and that the Castro regimes
succession strategy does not succeed.
It is against this back-drop that the Commission for Assistance
to a Free Cuba again assembles and looks at the question of how
to help the Cuban people hasten and ensure a genuine democratic
transition on the island. This is a time for bold, decisive action
and clarity of message. Recommendations to hasten the end of the
Castro dictatorship include: measures to empower the Cuban people
to prepare for change by strengthening support to civil society;
breaking the regimes information blockade; a diplomatic strategy
to undermine the regimes succession strategy by supporting
the Cuban peoples right to determine their future; and measures
to deny revenue to the Castro regime that is used to strengthen
its repressive security apparatus and to bolster the regime against
pressure for change.
HELPING CUBANS RESPOND
TO CRITICAL HUMANITARIAN
AND SOCIAL NEEDS
The Castro regime is failing to address even the most basic humanitarian
needs of the Cuban people. Chronic malnutrition, polluted drinking
water, and untreated chronic diseases continue to affect a significant
percentage of the Cuban people. Conditions will not improve as long
as Fidel Castro remains in power.
With the end of the Castro regime, however, the Cuban Transition
Government will
face daunting challenges as it begins to address the basic human
needs of the Cuban people. The Cuban people will expect rapid and
effective action by this new government. The U.S. Government stands
ready to help the Cuban Transition Government begin to address the
immediate water, sanitation, health, food, shelter and education
needs of the Cuban people. Helping the Cuban Transition Government
meet these basic needs is essential to a rapid and successful transition
period, the establishment of the new governments credibility,
and timely democratic elections.
By providing assistance in these areas, the U.S. Government can
help the Cuban
Transition Government guarantee political freedom, economic opportunity,
and hold free and fair multiparty elections.
HELPING
CUBANS
GET TO FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS
Cubans have
the right to see their sovereign will expressed through free and
fair,
multiparty elections. The transition to an open environment, free
of intimidation and other impediments, and sufficiently in advance
of elections to meet international standards, implies that a Cuban
Transition Government will need certain types of assistance from
the international community. The United States should be prepared
to respond. U.S. preparations should be structured to provide assistance
bilaterally but should also focus on building an international consensus
for assistance focused around supporting the process of rebuilding
democracy in Cuba.
A Cuban Transition Government cannot be expected to rectify, in
a few months, the
consequences of decades of dictatorship. Accordingly, the U.S. should
encourage the
Cuban Transition Government to focus on those steps that will allow
the election of a truly democratic, representative government that
can take on that historic challenge.
The principal purpose of any U.S. assistance should be to help Cubans
create a stable, open environment where free and fair elections
can take place. U.S. assistance should be offered to help Cubans
overcome obstacles to democratic elections and move rapidly to create
an environment conducive to free and fair
multiparty elections.
If requested by a new Cuban government, U.S. assistance could be
made available to help in the release of political prisoners; eliminating
obstacles to free speech, a free press, and freedom of association;
preparing for competitive multi-party elections; in
establishing a free and fair election administration; and in preparing
the Cuban military forces to adjust to an appropriate role in a
democracy.
HELPING CUBANS CREATE
MARKET-BASED ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES
The economic potential of the Cuban people has for too long been suppressed,
held
hostage to a failed economic model that sustains the regime but does
nothing to bring
prosperity to the people of Cuba. A Cuban Transition Government will
face significant
pressure to take quick action to increase economic opportunities and
give the Cuban people hope for an economic stake in the new system.
Quick and visible economic progress will give important legitimacy
to the Cuban Transition Government.
A Cuban Transition Government will face critical issues ranging from
stabilizing
the Cuban macroeconomic condition to creating a microeconomic framework
that will
allow private enterprise to grow. It will confront a long history
of poor labor relations and
demands to respect the rights of workers to form unions and bargain
collectively. It will
need to ensure that its critical infrastructure is not only adequately
functioning, but on the road to recovery and keeping pace with the
demands of a growing, free economy.
In addition, other actors, including Cubans abroad, the international
community,
and the U.S. Government, will have an important role to play in responding
to requests
from the Cuban Transition Government for support and advice. We need
to prepare now
to maximize the benefit each of these actors can bring to the table
at a key moment in
Cuban history.
Should a Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
in its
economic transition, the U.S. Government can provide help in establishing
macroeconomic stability; reintegrating Cuba to the international trade
and financial systems; encouraging small business development; ensuring
labor rights are respected; stabilizing existing Cuban agricultural
capability and local markets; and improving broad-based access to
and accountability for sustainable essential infrastructure.
THE
ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
The international community will be instrumental in assisting a Cuban
Transition
Government that guarantees political freedom, economic opportunity
and holds free and fair elections. Support from the international
community will also help accelerate Cubas reintegration into
the world economy, bring useful experiences to bear from other countries
that have succeeded in transitions, and ease the humanitarian and
financial burden on the Cuban Transition Government. The United States
and its neighbors have committed to representative democracy as the
standard for the Inter-American system and have an obligation under
the Inter-American Democratic Charter to support and defend democracy
and all that it represents. These commitments will guide our approach
to a transitional Cuba.
If the Cuban Transition Government requests help, the U.S. Government
will work
with international organizations, bilateral donors and internationa
l and assistance
organizations to ensure coordinated and complimentary assistance in
helping Cubans create market-based economic opportunities; respond
to critical humanitarian and social needs; conduct free and fair elections;
and, in helping prepare Cubas military forces to adjust to an
appropriate role in a democracy.
THE
VITAL ROLE OF CUBANS ABROAD
As part of a broader effort by the international community, Cubans
around the
world can play a crucial role in providing assistance in all of the
areas covered by this
report to secure the success of the transition to a Free Cuba. Cubans
living abroad can provide much needed resources in the form of information,
research and know- how, as well as material support, remittances,
loans and investment capital. Reconciling and reuniting the Cuban
family in freedom will also be essential to the successful, rapid
return of sovereignty to the Cuban people.
The Commission strongly believes that the Cuban community abroad should
re-double their efforts to fo ster reconciliation on and off the island
and to undertake steps now to organize and prepare to assist a Transition
Government in Cuba. In addition, the U.S.
Government should work with the Cuban community to ensure that their
support to the transition, and the planning for it, is coordinated
in a way that is consistent with overall reconstruction efforts.
PREPARING
NOW TO SUPPORT THE TRANSITION
With this report, the Commission continues an ongoing planning and
coordination
process to hasten democracy in Cuba and institutionalizes ongoing
planning to support, if requested, a Cuban Transition Government that
guarantees political freedom, economic opportunity, and holds free
and fair multiparty elections.
This is an ongoing process to accompany Cubans in their transition
to freedom. We
will need to update and adapt our preparations to keep pace with Cubans
themselves. This will ensure that, when asked, we will be able to
offer appropriate support that meets needs identified by Cubans.
The U.S. Government will need to be prepared well in advance to help
in the event
assistance is requested by the Cuban Transition Government. U.S. preparations
should be structured so that assistance can be offered immediately
to the Cuban Transition Government bilaterally as necessary and then
folded into a broader international effort as that develops.
In establishing a strong foundation on which to build, the first six
months of any
requested U.S. assistance program is of paramount importance. This
critical 180-day
period could mean the difference between a successful transition and
the stumbles and missteps that slowed other states as they moved toward
democracy.
In addition to the steps recommended by the Commission to help hasten
the
transition, several steps can be taken to ensure broad-based involvement
of the U.S.
Government, international partners and organizations, as well as our
own civil society and private sector. The Commission makes a number
of practical recommendations that the United States can implement
today in preparation for the inevitable transition. These include
the areas of government organization; electoral preparation; and anticipating
critical humanitarian and social needs.
INTRODUCTION
This second report to the President from the Commission for Assistance
to a Free
Cuba continues and builds upon the recommendations implemented through
the
Commissions first report submitted in May 2004. This report
contains seven chapters and a series of recommendations, consistent
with U.S. law, designed to help Cubans secure real and lasting change
in their country. It recommends that the United States be prepared
to offer prioritized assistance to a Cuban transition government
that moves rapidly to free and fair, multiparty elections.
This report broadly summarizes resources and expertise the U.S.
Government could
make available, in accordance with U.S. law, should a Cuban Transition
Government
committed to free and fair elections ask for our help. This report
seeks to unify U.S.
Government efforts under a strategic goal to help manage and coordinate
ongoing efforts to plan for Cubas transition. It also recognizes
that the international community and Cubans abroad will have an
important role to play in Cubas transition. This document
represents the work of over 100 participants from seventeen federal
departments and agencies over the course of several months.
As long as the regime abuses the people of Cuba our policy will
remain firm. Implementing the Commissions recommendations
for hastening a transition has helped break the regimes information
blockade on Cubans and is denying resources that the regime would
otherwise use to repress its citizens. This reports recommendations
for helping hasten the transition are centered on a substantial
increase in our efforts, in concert with other nations, to empower
Cubans to define a democratic future for their country.
In keeping with the first Commission report, this document sets
forth specific
assistance and programs the United States can offer to help Cubans
quickly recover their sovereignty through free and fair multiparty
elections. This report was developed on the basis of U.S. law and
we recommend that implementation be done with due regard for international
law and treaty obligations, internationally recognized human rights,
and democratic principles. It reflects the commitment we and the
other nations of the Western Hemisphere made in the Inter-American
Democratic Charter to the promotion and defense of democracy.
The prospective recommendations and proposals in this report are
not prescriptions or dictates. They only become possible when the
President determines that there is a transition government in place
and they only remain possible if that government continues to work
toward free and fair multiparty elections. In implementing this
assistance, we will need to ensure that we are reinforcing a process
of democratic change and not reinforcing anti-democratic regime
elements.
The existence of the Commission and the recommendations in this
report provide a
formal process within the United States government to support the
freedom movement in Cuba today and to take actions now to develop
appropriate plans to support a democratic transition tomorrow. The
U.S. Government, at the highest levels, is engaged in this effort.
This is an ongoing process to accompany Cubans in their transition
to freedom. We
will need to update and adapt our preparations to keep pace with
Cubans the mselves. This will ensure that, when asked, we will be
able to offer appropriate support that meets needs identified by
Cubans.
The American people understand and support the aspirations of people
all over the
world, including Cubans, to live in freedom. Americans have not
only opened their hearts but also our shores to the Cuban people.
We are confident that a free and prosperous Cuba will once again
be a friend to the United States.
The Cuban dictatorship remains a danger, especially to its own people,
even in its
twilight. It still seeks to frustrate democratic governance in the
region and to actively
undermine United States interests. Cubans endure the grim reality
of life in their country.
Living under a dictatorship means a daily struggle to satisfy needs
and wants, with
immorality, and, above all, with hopelessness. Cubans need to know
there is hope in freedom. Accordingly, we cannot falter or fail
to support the Cuban people as they approach the opportunity for
real change.
When the time comes, the generosity Americans have always extended
to Cubans will surely be redoubled.
With the horizon marking the end of the long struggle against tyranny
in Cuba approaching, the Commissions fundamental premise is
that Cubans themselves will define their own destiny. Only Cubans
can chart a path to liberty, prosperity, and
reconciliation. It is they who will ensure that the dictatorship
which advocated nuclear war against our nation will rapidly come
to an end.
Cubans in Cuba, at great personal risk, are already talking about
a democratic transition for their country. It is what Cubans say
about the future of Cuba that truly matters. The civic opposition
movement is creating momentum for democratic change in Cuba. With
our offer of support, advice, and help to all who seek democratic
change in Cuba, we hope to add to this momentum and to keep pace
with the Cuban people as they press for democratic change.
Continued dictatorship will result in neither stability nor opportunity
in Cuba. The worlds democracies can work together now to support
the right of Cubans to define a democratic future for their country.
Just as Cubans will face an inevitable opportunity for change, the
international community will face a choice. Half measures and partial
reforms by an unelected successor regime short of free and fair
elections should not be rewarded with recognition or support from
the free nations of the world.
As a community
of free nations, we can intensify our efforts now to help Cubans
who
support liberty, prosperity, and reconciliation. We hope this report
will find resonance with the people of Cuba, the worlds democracies,
and the people of the United States.
Together, we can reassure the Cuban people that they can count on
democratic allies as they move to see their sovereign will expressed
through free and fair, multiparty elections.
CHAPTER
1
HASTENING THE END
OF THE CASTRO DICTATORSHIP:
TRANSITION NOT SUCCESSION
This is an unclassified report. For reasons of national security and
effective
implementation, some recommendations are contained in a separate classified
annex.
INTRODUCTION
Three years ago, the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba began
the most
significant review of U.S. policy toward Cuba in decades, developing
a specific set of
recommendations focused on hastening a democratic transition in Cuba.
The 2004 CAFC report identified the survival strategies
of the Castro regime and its cynical manipulation of United States
humanitarian policies and examined its relentless pursuit of hard
currency to maintain its repression of the Cuban people and their
aspirations for freedom.
Recommendations designed to limit the regimes access to hard
currency were
implemented and have subsequently helped to restrict the funds available
to the regime to sustain itself in power.
The 2004 report made the case for offering more direct U.S. support
to Cubans on
the island who advocate real change and for breaking down the information
blockade
erected by the regime across the island. The Commission has re-affirmed
the direction
taken in the 2004 report as a solid foundation upon which to make
additional
recommendations designed to hasten and consolidate a democratic transition
in Cuba.
Since the publication of the 2004 report, there have been important
changes both on
and off the island that the Commission has weighed in making this
new set of
recommendations. Today, we see in Cuba a more active civil society,
one energized by a growing sense of what is possible.
At the same time, there are clear signs the regime is using money
provided by the Chavez government in Venezuela to reactivate its networks
in the hemisphere to subvert democratic governments. The Castro regimes
international meddling is done at the expense of the needs of the
Cuban people. There is a growing sense of frustration among ordinary
Cubans with a dictatorship that asks them to sacrifice, but expends
considerable resources in the far flung reaches of the hemisphere
and beyond.
Cubans continue to be imprisoned for activities that Americans take
for granted
each and every day: reading and viewing what they wish; accessing
information from the outside world, including the Internet; meeting
in their homes to discuss the future of their country; running a lending
library; or conducting petition drives. Despite the savage campaign
against them by the regime, the Cuban people are losing their fear
and continue to risk life, limb, livelihood, and physical freedom
in search of a better future for their nation.
The Commissions recommendations reflect recognition of the leadership
and
bravery of the Cuban people. They also reflect the Commissions
view that the United
States and other friends of democracy should acknowledge and honor
the courage of Cuban democracy activists by supporting them as they
work to secure the rapid return of sovereignty to the people of their
nation.
Yet, at the same time that we see hope and growth in Cuban civil society,
we also know that Fidel Castro and his inner circle are engaged in
an effort to ensure a succession within the revolution. The regime
is attempting to insulate itself from the consequences of Fidel Castros
incapacitation, death, or ouster. The regime continues
to harden its edges and is feverishly working to forestall any opportunity
for a genuine democratic transition on the island by putting hardliners
into key positions and rolling back even minimal economic openings.
And, as noted above, the repressive instruments of the regime are
working assiduously to stamp out civil society
initiatives, but without success.
The current regime in Havana is working with like-minded governments,
particularly Venezuela, to build a network of political and financial
support designed to
forestall any external pressure to change. This state of affairs highlights
the urgency of
working today to ensure that the Cuban transition is genuine and that
the Castro regimes succession strategy does not succeed.
It is against this back-drop that the Commission for Assistance to
a Free Cuba again
assembles and looks at the question of how to help the Cuban people
hasten and ensure a genuine transition on the island. This is a time
for bold, decisive action and clarity of message.
DETERMINATIONS
In order to lead genuine change, the Cuban people must have
hope for a better future
in a Free Cuba.
Our goal is to support the growing consensus for democracy
in Cuba itself. A
perpetuation of the status quo in Cuba through a succession among
the current
ruling elites would be a tragedy for the Cuban people. They have endured
decades
of dictatorship and deserve to regain their sovereignty and chart
a new course for
their country.
It is the Cuban people on the island who will chart the course
of their future. They are
increasingly active and brave in the face of the regimes brutality;
they deserve U.S.
and international support, both through creative, well-funded programs
designed to
empower them, and through diplomatic efforts to help build an international
consensus around action to promote a genuine democratic transition
in Cuba.
The greatest guarantor of genuine stability in Cuba is the
rapid restoration of
sovereignty to the Cuban people through free and fair, multiparty
elections. The
notion that the consolidation of continued dictatorship under Raul
Castro or other
undemocratic successors will lead to stability is an illusion.
There should be no misunderstanding: the Cuban dictatorship
today is a destabilizing
force in the region; a demonstrated threat to our citizens and their
own; and has
proven willing to manipulate for its own self-serving purposes humanitarian
U.S.
immigration policies and the desire of the Cuban people for freedom.
U.S. policymakers need to understand and address the fact that
there are spoilers in the international community who
seek to accommodate or otherwise support the Cuban dictatorships
succession strategy at the expense of a democratic Cuban transition
and U.S. national interests.
If the Cuban people are to succeed when the inevitable opportunity
for change occurs, the United States must support their democratic
aspirations by informing the international community of the historic
nature of the choice they must make about whether or not to support
a genuine transition in Cuba. Our top diplomatic objective must be
to build an international consensus around an understanding that the
Cuban people have a right to determine their future and that their
sovereignty should be
returned to them.
The democracies of the Western Hemisphere should take a leading
role in guiding Cuba on a path that leads to representative democracy.
The mileposts along tha t path are the benchmarks set forth in the
Inter-American Democratic Charter.
We must help the Cuban people define an alternative future
for themselves one
where Cubans can live in peace, justice prevails, and alternative
views are
respected.
We need to help reassure Cubans on the island who seek to preserve
the status quo out of fear of what lies beyond the end of the dictatorship.
We must also advance an
alternative view of the future for Cubans currently in the regime
who support
democratic change. They need to know that they and their families
will also have a
future in a Free Cuba. It is only Castros esbirros
(henchmen) who need to fear
justice.
For all Cubans, we must underscore that the future is theirs
to define and that the U.S. and our citizens pose no threat to their
security or their homes. We must also be clear that there is but one
Cuban people and that reconciliation will be essential to securing
a Free Cuba.
EMPOWERING
THE CUBAN PEOPLE
Since 1952, Cubans have lived under a succession of dictators, first
under Fulgencio
Batista, and then Batistas totalitarian successor, Fidel Castro.
Until recently, the Castro dictatorship had been able to maintain
its grip on the Cuban people by repressing the development of independent
civil society and keeping the Cuban people on a desperate hunt for
dollars and basic necessities, thereby preventing the emergence of
a viable alternative to its failed policies. By promoting fear about
the future and distrust amongst each other, the regime has sought
to keep civil society stunted and the Cuban people under its control.
That control is increasingly being degraded by a Cuban society fed
up with broken
promises and the failure of the regime to meet its basic needs. Growing
popular discontent, the failure of regime-sponsored Actos de Repudio
to intimidate the opposition, and increasing negative international
opinion have weakened the regime and placed it on the defensive. There
now is a growing consensus among the Cuban people of the need for
democracy.
Offering to help Cubans meet their basic and unmet social desires
and humanitarian
needs will be a powerful force for change and the best guarantor that
the transition to
freedom will succeed in rapidly restoring sovereignty to the Cuban
people through free,
multi-party elections. Cubans can better face the uncertainty of change
if they are
reassured that their basic humanitarian needs will be met.
The Rising Cuban Democratic Opposition
The last several years have witnessed a sustained increase in the
ability of the
Cuban opposition to engage in acts of resistance, mobilize greater
segments of the Cuban population, and communicate a positive vision
for the future to the Cuban people and the international community.
At the grassroots level, youth, women, and Afro-Cubans are key constituencies
for
the continued growth of Cubas civil society movement. More than
half of Cubas
population is under age 35 and has the weakest attachment to the Castro
revolution and the strongest desire for real change. Afro-Cubans and
mixed-ethnicity Cubans comprise 62 percent of the population and are
increasingly aware of their gross under-representation in leadership
positions. They continue to be socially marginalized by the regime
elite, and Afro-Cuban youths are a consistent target of police harassment,
intimidation, arrest, and expulsion out of Havana and other parts
of Cuba. Castros Cuba has become a major sex tourism destination
and is a source country for women and children trafficked for the
purposes of sexual exploitation.
Despite Castros efforts to repress and intimidate, the opposition
has made great
strides in mobilizing these groups. Women and Afro-Cubans are at the
forefront of the
opposition which includes Martha Beatriz Roque of the Assembly to
Promote Civil
Society; imprisoned activists such as Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet; the
dozens of the organizers of Oswaldo Payas Varela Project; and
independent journalists such as Guillermo Fariñas, who is engaged
in a sustained hunger strike for uncensored access to the Internet
for ordinary Cubans. The Damas de Blanco, the mothers and wives of
the 75 activists imprisoned during the regimes March 2003 crackdown
on the peaceful opposition, remain a powerful and visible domestic
and international symbol of the current struggle for freedom and democracy
in Cuba and a focal point for non-violent resistance efforts.
Significant challenges remain, however, before the democratic opposition
and civic movement can move beyond protest and non-cooperation with
the regime and become the catalysts for and implementers of a sea
change within Cuba. Above all, the civic
movement needs additional support to present to their fellow Cubans
a viable alternative to the failed policies of the Castro regime.
The experience of East European civic movements in organizing resistance
that ended repressive dictatorships, and then in assuming leadership
that led to freedom, prosperity, and reconciliation in their
respective countries, could be particularly helpful for Cubas
developing opposition movement. In addition, if requested, civil society
groups could benefit from greater training to prepare to help lead
a democratic transition and future government in Cuba.
It is critical that independent Cuban civil society groups continue
to gain greater access to basic modern equipment to help expand distribution
of independent information and facilitate prodemocracy activities.
Continued access to these types of equipment help Cubas civil
society disseminate information to the Cuban people and counter regime
efforts to maintain its grip on the Cuban people through exclusive
control over all forms of communication.
In particular, the Cuban people, and especially the civic opposition
movement, need
access to the Internet. Currently, the Castro regime strictly controls
all access to the
Internet, limiting access to a few websites to hand-picked regime
supporters and foreigners at specially identified internet cafes,
which are out of the reach of the average Cuban.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Recommendations include the following:
Cuba Fund for a Democratic Future
To empower the Cuban people and the Cuban democratic opposition to
take
advantage of these new opportunities, the Commission recommends the
Cuba Fund for a Democratic Future: $80 million over two years to increase
support for Cuban civil society, expand international awareness, break
the regimes information blockade, and continue developing assistance
initiatives to help Cuban civil society realize a democratic transition.
The Commission also recommends consistent yearly funding of Cuba democracy
programs at no less than $20 million on an annual basis thereafter
until the dictatorship ceases to exist.
This fund should include:
Support to independent civil society on the island ($31 million);
Funding for education and exchanges, including on- island university
training from third countries and scholarships for economically disadvantaged
students from Cuba identified by independent nongovernmental entities
and civic organizations at U.S. and third country universities (including
historically black and faith-based institutions)
($10 million);
Efforts to break the Castro regimes information blockade
and expand the
Cuban peoples access to independent information, including through
the
Internet ($24 million); and
Support for international efforts at strengthening civil society
and in
transition planning ($15 million).
IV. BREAK THE REGIMES INFORMATION BLOCKADE
The Castro regime continues to control all means of mass media and
communication on the island. The regime exerts absolute control over
newspapers, radio, and television through a pervasive system of repression,
intimidation, seizures of
equipment, and arrest. The regime fears the day that the Cuban people
have full access to independent information. The lack of access to
independent information enables the government to maintain a climate
of fear of repression and fear of change across the island necessary
to its continued survival.
The recommendations of CAFC I to break the information blockade have
been
successful in getting a greater flow of information to the Cuban people
than ever before.
Broadcasts of Radio and TV Marti from an airborne platform have reached
Cubans across the island in unprecedented numbers and have overcome
the ability of the Cuban regime to jam and disrupt broadcast signals.
The expanded distribution of media, including newsletters and videos,
and equipment have empowered even greater numbers of the Cuban people
to obtain reliable information on events in Cuba and on alternatives
to the failed policies of the Castro regime.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include the following:
In conjunction with the recommended measures to strengthen civil society
and
international solidarity with the Cuban democratic opposition, the
Commission
recommends measures to intensify efforts to break the regimes
information blockade and aid the Cuban people in the ongoing transition:
Broadcasting
Advances in the development of new and improved technologies make
it
increasingly possible to expand broadcasts of reliable information
to the Cuban people and to equip them to receive and disseminate such
information across the island. The
Commission recommends the following measures be taken to expand on
the work already underway by U.S. broadcasting entities in support
of Cuban civil society:
Fund the transmission of TV Marti via Satellite TV into Cuba
by the most effective
means possible;
Within 90 days conduct a comprehensive and independent review
on ways to improve
Cuba broadcasts;
Fund civil society groups to provide equipment to receive international
broadcasts and independent media on the island to the Cuban people;
Expand use of third-country broadcasting into Cuba;
Replicate the successes of other U.S. broadcast programming
in developing a larger
audience, by developing non-traditional programs addressed to Cuban
youth;
Support the training and equipping of independent print, radio,
and TV journalists in
Cuba and improve their capacity and capability to inform the world
and the Cuban
people of events in Cuba; and
In connection with and/or as part of the strategic communication
plan, establish
quarterly meetings between appropriate U.S. Government agencies to
coordinate
strategy on broadcasting and communications to the Cuban people.
IV. UNDERMINING THE REGIMES SUCCESSION STRATEGY
Diplomacy and information must be employed to create momentum for
genuine
change in order to undermine the regimes succession strategy.
There should be no misunderstanding: the Castro brothers dictatorship
has every
intention of continuing its stranglehold on power in Cuba, regardless
of the cost to or the will of the Cuban people. Just as Fidel Castro
replaced Batista in 1959, Cubas current dictator wants to impose
his brother on the Cuban people. The regimes goal is to pass
power from Fidel Castro to his selected successor, Raul Castro, and
the ruling elite around him. Regime loyalists are relentlessly pursuing
a strategy whereby the international community will recognize and
work with a successor regime, regardless of whether or not the dictatorship
has been dismantled. In furtherance of this goal, the regime is actively
strengthening its repressive apparatus, re-consolidating its absolute
control over all political, social and economic aspects of Cuban society,
and using Venezuelan money to acquire international support and legitimacy.
The Castro regime is actively seeking to control the policy environment
on
transition in concert with opponents of peaceful, democratic change,
led by the Chavez
government in Venezuela. The regime is implementing information and
influence
campaigns to develop support networks outside of Cuba to provide it
additional revenue
streams today, to act as advocates on its behalf against U.S. policy
toward Cuba and the region, and to support and secure international
legitimacy for a succession within the revolution. These networks
undermine the opportunity for a democratic future for Cuba; U.S. national
security interests in Cuba and in third countries; and our interest
in a democratic and stable Venezuela.
The regime will seek to create domestic and international pressure
on the U.S.
Government to unilaterally change our Cuba policy and establish a
new relationship with the regime regardless of whether or not the
dictatorship has been dismantled or the economy freed.
Fidel Castro senses his own mortality and the mortality of the economically
bankrupt regime he leads. He works relentlessly to hold it together
through a mix of
political alliances, bartering and debt extensions, and savage denial
of political and
economic freedoms to the Cuban people. Today, he and his inner circle
are implementing a succession strategy designed to ensure the survival
of the regime beyond his own incapacitation, death, or ouster.
Cubas ever-deepening relationship with Venezuela parallels the
earlier failed
relationship with the Soviet Union, only this time not as the junior
partner: Fidel Castro is calling the shots.
This Castro- led axis must be understood as part of the regimes
succession strategy
and an effort to insula te Cuba from pressure for democratic change.
This axis is designed to secure energy and financial resources and
create an external support network to help ensure the regime is insulated.
This axis also undermines our interest in a more democratic Vene zuela
and
undermines democratic governance and institutions elsewhere in the
region. Together,
these countries are advancing an alternative retrograde and anti-American
agenda for the hemispheres future and they are finding some
resonance with populist governments and disenfranchised populations
in the region. Castro hopes a political shift in the region will be
his legacy and offer a measure of protection for his esbirros
and opportunists in the Cuban Communist Party upon his departure from
power.
The weak flank of the Cuba-Venezuela axis is Cuba itself. Unlike Bolivarian
President Hugo Chavez, the Castro regime lacks even the patina of
electoral legitimacy.
History will remember that Castro always avoided the verdict of the
Cuban people. Castro today must worry about the growing frustration
of the Cuban population about the failings of the revolution and with
expenditures in far- flung reaches of the world when their needs are
unmet at home. There are signs the axis with Venezuela is beginning
to grate on Cuban nationalist sensibilities. The more than 11 million
people in Cuba are, in fact, our natural allies in breaking both the
dictatorship and the Cuba-Venezuela axis that protects and sustains
it.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include the following:
The Commission recommends that Cuba, specifically Cubas
impending transition,
continue to have a high profile in public messages and statements
by U.S. officials to
build a sense of momentum for change. The Commission is also recommending
a
diplomatic strategy to consistently advance our view that there is
an opportunity for
transition if we act today; that the Cuban people are more active
than ever despite
intense pressure from the regime; and that we need to commit to defending
the right of
the Cuban people to define their own future;
In making a recommendation that a suspension of Title III of
the 1996
Cuban Liberty and Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act for an individual
country is necessary to the national interest and will expedite a
transition to democracy in Cuba, consider in particular whether it
is
engaged in a process of support for regime succession;
Vigorously enforce Title IV of the Libertad Act; particularly
focusing
enforcement action on traffickers involved in strategic industries
such as oil, tourism, nickel, tobacco, and rum which finance Cuba's
repressive apparatus; and
Encourage Cuban workers in tourism, mining, and other sectors
who
work for foreign companies to keep complete wage records.
A Diplomatic Campaign: Underscore Regime Illegitimacy and Build Support
for
Transition
While differences of opinion about U.S. embargo policy persist, an
increasing
number of countries share the view that there must be change in Cuba
and that the Cuban people should have the right to decide their future.
Since the March 2003 crackdown on pro-democracy forces, the ongoing
rollback of freedoms, and growing use of Actos de Repudio to intimidate
Cuban society, many now publicly condemn the regimes abuses.
Political and civic leaders and organizations across Europe and Latin
America that once struggled for freedom in their own countries are
expanding outreach to the Cuban people and directly assisting pro-democratic
forces in their quest for freedom and respect for basic human rights.
If the Cuban people are to succeed in their struggle to regain their
freedom and
sovereignty, the international community must increase their engagement
with and support to Cuban civil society. There should be full agreement
that the only acceptable result of Fidel Castros incapacitation,
death, or ouster is for a genuine democratic transitio n to take place
in Cuba. This is an historic and stark choice between the continuation
of dictatorship or the restoration of freedom and sovereignty to eleven
million men, women, and children.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include the following:
Recognizing the need to solidify international consensus around the
right of the
Cuban people to determine their democratic future, and promote greater
direct involvement by third-countries in Cuba, we recommend the implementation
of a diplomatic campaign to include:
Encourage convergence of goals and efforts by other democratic
nations to support a
democratic transition in Cuba with our own efforts, including transition
planning
exercises, and encouraging bilateral engagement between European nations
and
Western Hemisphere democracies on a Cuban transition;
Build a coalition of countries to support a democratic transition
in Cuba now and at a
moment of change on the island;
Work diplomatically with the OAS and its member states to ensure
that adherence
to the Inter-American Democratic Charter is the standard for Cubas
reintegration in the inter-American system, in keeping with the Declaration
of
Florida adopted at the XXXV OAS General Assembly;
Expand support for third-country efforts to promote the development
of Cuban
civil society and pro-democracy groups on the island;
Encourage democratic governments, especially Community of Democracies
participants from the Western Hemisphere and Europe, to invite leaders
of the
democratic opposition to their countries for meetings with government
officials
and civic society leaders;
Draw a distinction between countries that support succession
(such as Venezuela
and Iran) and countries that support the right of the Cuban people
to debate and
define a democratic future for Cuba;
Invigorate examination of Cuban abuses at international organizations:
o Encourage presentation of cases to the Inter-American Commission
on
Human Rights on behalf of victims of government sponsored mob attacks
known as Actos de Repudio; and
o Encourage other nations to address Cuban labor violations at the
ILO.
IDENTIFY
AND TARGET HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATORS
As part of U.S. policy aimed at undermining the regimes succession
strategy, we
must accelerate the process of stripping away layers of support within
the regime by
creating additional uncertainty regarding the political and legal
future of those in leadership positions.
We explicitly reject the notion of witch hunts in a democratic
Cuba against those
in government positions. However, Cubans at all levels of the government
must understand that those currently in leadership positions who have
engaged in or misused subordinates to perpetuate human rights abuses
today will be duly noted and appropriately sanctioned by the U.S.
Government as authorized by U.S. law and where applicable.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include the following:
Lista de Esbirros: Place the names of those credibly believed
to be invo lved in
orchestrating human rights abuses in Cuba into the Abuse Case Evaluation
System (ACES) database that is currently maintained and managed
by the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor at the State Department;
Place the names of individuals involved in the 2003 and subsequent
trials of
opposition activists, as well as those involved in orchestrating
Actos de Repudio,
on the visa lookout database;
Amend Presidential Proclamation 5377 to permit the denial
of immigrant, as well
as non-immigrant visas, to officers and employees of the Government
of Cuba
or the Communist Party of Cuba;
Authorize denial of the right to adjust status to legal permanent
alien to any
regime official when such an act would be detrimental to the interests
of the
United States;
Remove from the visa lookout database those officials that
have quit the regime,
publicly advocated their commitment to and take concrete steps to
demonstrate
their support for democratic change on the island, and who are otherwise
not
believed to be ineligible for entry into the U.S.; and,
Submit the names of officials indicted for the murder of
the Brothers-to-the-
Rescue pilots to Interpol.
MAKING MIGRATION
SAFE, ORDERLY, AND A FORCE FOR CHANGE IN
CUBA
The Cuban government has failed to honor its commitments under the
September 9,
1994, Joint Communiqué and the May 2, 1995, Joint Statement,
otherwise known as the Migration Accords. While the
1994 Joint Communiqué obligates Cuba to take measures to
ens ure that migration is safe, legal, and orderly, the Cuban government
continues to deny U.S. officials permission to monitor returned
migrants outside of Havana; facilitate the departure of thousands
of Cubans annually over the land borders into the U.S. via Mexico;
deny exit permits to otherwise qualified Cuban citizens, making
some people wait for years to emigrate; and flatly prohibit others
from emigrating, including doctors and family members of government
officials.
The regime has also enacted a series of other bureaucratic measures
that impede the
U.S. Interests Sections efforts to meet the U.S. commitments
under the Agreement. As detailed in CAFC I, with these and other
mechanisms, the Castro regime continues to manipulate migration
flows to the United States. The regime does so to further its policies
of generating additional hard currency and as a means to control
its population releasing pressure when necessary by permitting
more exits. The regime further seeks to dampen the efforts of Cuban
activists working for change by withholding exit permission to attend
international conferences or receive awards.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include:
In response to Cubas repeated and consistent efforts to impede
safe, legal, and
orderly migration, we recommend a series of diplomatic efforts to
notify the Castro regime of its failure to meet its obligations
under the Migration Accords and protesting its efforts to interfere
with and disrupt U.S. migration policy.
VI.
DENYING REVENUE TO THE CASTRO REGIME
The policies of the Castro regime continue to debilitate the Cuban
economy,
impoverish the Cuban people, and isolate Cuba from economic advances
enjoyed by the rest of the Western Hemisphere. The regime ignores
its obligations to its people and diverts its resources to maintain
its grip on power, manage a succession of the regime, and destabilize
democracies elsewhere in the Hemisphere. The more financially stressed
the system is, the more difficult it will be for any leader who
follows Fidel Castro to preside over a succession within the dictatorship
The first report of the Commission recommended, and the President
directed be implemented, a comprehensive set of measures to deny
the Castro regime the revenues it needs to maintain its repressive
security apparatus. By the regimes own admission, these
measures and continued enforcement actions have sharply
cut licensed and
unlicensed travel to the island each year since the implementation
of the measures of the first report.
Limitations on travel, parcel deliveries and remittances have sharply
curtailed the
regimes manipulation of and profiteering from U.S. humanitarian
policies. These
measures have been successful and should continue to be implemented.
In order to undermine the regimes succession strategy, it
is critical that the U.S.
Government maintain economic pressure on the regime to limit its
ability to sustain itself and repress the Cuban people. Moreover,
as we rapidly approach the transitional moment, the more economic
pressure there is on the regime, the greater the likelihood there
will be dramatic and successful change for the Cuban people.
Improved Enforcement
The Castro regime continues to seek new and additional ways to raise
desperately
needed hard currency by encouraging and facilitating unlicensed
cash flows and travel from the United States to Cuba. The profits
from these transactions continue to be critical for the maintenance
of the regimes repressive security apparatus. The regime has
facilitated the establishment of third-country travel and remittance
companies whose primary purpose is to facilitate unlicensed transactions
from the United States and to help individuals evade U.S. restrictions
on such transactions. Similarly, in the last several years we have
witnessed a surge in attempts to abuse existing license categories
to engage in nonpermissible activities, such as tourism or other
non-licensable visits.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Selected recommendations include:
Establish an inter-agency Law Enforcement Task Force for
better enforcement of U.S.
economic sanctions on the Castro regime; and
Issue a directive to law enforcement agencies to pursue criminal
investigations,
including prosecution, where possible and appropriate, of Cuban
Assets Control
Regulation and other violations, especially for those found to have
been involved in
organizing or facilitating unlicensed travel transactions with Cuba.
Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) Regulations:
Prohibit individuals who wish to send remittances from going
directly to third-country
institutions to send such remittances to Cuba and require instead
that all remittances
be sent through licensed U.S. remittance forwarders. Eliminate the
use of cash-card
services for licensed travel to Cuba;
Expand the list of regime officials and agencies which are
not permitted to receive
licensed remittances, and ensure that those included in the Lista
de Esbirros do
not benefit from U.S. humanitarian policies by including them on
the list of
Specially Designated Nationals (SDNs) and by barring SDNs from receiving
remittances;
Implement new licensing criteria and reporting requirements
for travel service
providers (TSPs) and Carrier Service Providers (CSPs), including
a requirement that
TSPs and CSPs have an independent financial audit conducted annually;
and
Expand the use of Specially Designated Nationals (SDNs) to
designate companies,
including front companies, engaged in efforts to promote the sale
of Cuban goods or
unlicensed travel, remittances, and other transactions from the
United States to
Cuba.
U.S. Department of Commerce Regulations:
Revise temporary sojourn license (TSL) regulations and implementing
guidelines to
ensure that licenses are not issued to maritime vessels, unless
the vessel is solely
registered to transport goods and is engaged in the regular transport
of bulk
commodities, or unless otherwise consistent with the foreign policy
interests of the
United States;
Revise regulations and implementing guidelines to deny export
licenses, consistent
with U.S. law, for discretionary, cosmetic, or other medical equipment
sales that
would be destined to be used in large-scale medical programs that
cater to tourists
and foreign patients and not exclusively for the benefit and care
of the Cuban
people;
Develop effective monitoring and certification requirements
for medical equipment
exports that ensure that these exports are used only for the use
and benefit of the
Cuban people and not diverted to tourist or foreign care institutions;
Ensure monitoring for medical equipment is undertaken for
the life of the product to
ensure items exported are at intended end-use institutions. In the
event that the
Cuban government does not permit on-site monitoring at certain institutions,
future
exports will not be authorized to such locations;
Reaffirm the U.S. Governments export license policy
of a strict general policy of
denial of Commerce export licenses, unless otherwise required by
existing law; and
Tighten regulations for the export of humanitarian items,
other than agricultural or
medical commodities, to ensure that exports are consigned to entities
that support
independent civil society and are not regime administered or controlled
organizations, such as the Cuban Council of Churches.
Target Regime Foreign Income and Assets Abroad
Following the reductions in regime revenue as a result of the first
Commission
report, nearly half of the regimes current foreign income
is now derived from nickel
exports. The revenue from these sales does not go to benefit the
Cuban people, but is
diverted to maintain the regimes repressive security apparatus
and fund Castros
interventionist and destabilizing policies in other countries in
the Hemisphere.
Moreover, some of this revenue is derived from assets illegally
expropriated from U.S. citizens after Castro came to power. In addition,
there is growing evidence of senior elements of the regime, engaging
in efforts to hide personal financial assets abroad to guard against
a severe disruption in their stations in the event of a democratic
transition in Cuba. These assets, including property and bank accounts,
rightfully belong to the Cuban people and should be tracked down
and returned to Cuba for the benefit of a Free Cuba Government.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
To hasten the end of the Castro regime by disrupting the regimes
sources of foreign
income and identifying regime assets abroad, we recommend the U.S.
Government:
Establish an inter-agency Cuban Nickel Targeting Task Force
to reinvigorate the
existing nickel import certification and control regime and analogous
cobalt import
control regime, consistent with our domestic and international obligations.
Invigorate identification and targeting of regime offshore
finances and assets and
initiate a diplomatic effort to engage international partners and
organizations to
assist in developing information on and targeting regime assets
abroad.
Reconvene Cuban Assets Targeting Group with the task of identifying
additional
ways to target and disrupt regime foreign income, including identification
of the
assets of regime officials abroad, development of information on
official corruption
and associated assets abroad.
CHAPTER
2
HELPING CUBANS RESPOND
TO CRITICAL HUMANITARIAN
AND SOCIAL NEEDS
Introduction
The Castro regime trumpets the achievements of the Revolution
in meeting the
basic needs of the Cuban people. In truth, the entire system has
been constructed for the sustenance of the regime, not to serve
the Cuban people or to allow for development and economic growth.
With the sudden withdrawal of massive Soviet subsidies in the early
1990s, the regime found it almost impossible to maintain the
mythology of the revolutions achievements. Today, Cubans live
with the consequences of the regimes deliberate decision to
sustain itself at the expense of its people: declining food stocks,
increasing water shortages, crumbling medical infrastructure, the
disappearance of basic medicines, and devastated housing stock.
Although the regime continues to manipulate health and other statistics
and restricts access to its medical facilities for people who might
tell the real story of the revolutions failure to meet the
needs of the Cuban people, it is clear from independent sources
that chronic malnutrition, polluted drinking water, and untreated
chronic diseases affect a significant percentage of the Cuban population.
A Cuban Transition Government
1
will need to do what the current regime has never done: to put the
needs of the people before the need to maintain absolute control.
The Cuban Transition Government will face daunting challenges as
it begins to address the basic human needs of the Cuban people.
The Cuban people will expect rapid and effective action. In order
to ensure the support of the public, the Cuban Transition Government
should quickly identify priority actions and mobilize internal and
external resources to sustain them. The Cuban Transition Government
will want to avoid the onset of a complex human disaster that could
be used as an excuse for those who might wish to restore the repressive
regime in Cuba.
1
This Report uses the term Cuban Transition Government
to refer to a Cuban
Government that is eligible to receive U.S. assistance under applicable
U.S. law,
particularly the 1996 Cuban Liberty and Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act.
All
recommendations for potential future assistance in this paper are
premised on the
assumption that the proposed action satisfies the requirements of
applicable U.S. law.
There are numerous restrictions under U.S. law that affect assistance
for, and transactions with, Cuba. In the event of a Cuban Transition
Government, some such restrictions could be removed through executive
branch action, but others may require legislative change.
Despite these various restrictions, certain assistance for Cuba
may be provided in certain circumstances on the basis of laws that
authorize assistance "notwithstanding any other provision of
law" or on the basis of certain extraordinary general waiver
authorities in the Foreign Assistance Act.
Another matter that the Cuban Transition Government will want to
address is the
likelihood, under any scenario, that internal migration could become
a problem. Large
numbers of impoverished rural residents could flood the cities where
there is hope of
increased income, relief supplies, and Government services. Such
a massive influx could result in large numbers of internally-displaced
people, squatting on public land and erecting temporary shelters
without adequate food, sanitation, health care or potable water.
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and faith-based groups already
play an
integral role in providing vital humanitarian assistance to rural
populations and churches in Cuba. Their support to the Cuban people
at the time of transition, where they have established relationships
and information about the needs in these localities, will be essential
to the success of the Cuban Transition Governments efforts
to complete a rapid and successful transition and hold free and
fair multiparty elections.
The U.S. Government stands ready to help the Cuban Transition Government
to
avert humanitarian emergency in Cuba by assisting the Government
in addressing the
immediate water, sanitation, health, food, shelter, protection,
and education needs of the Cuban people and working to bring other
international partners into the process of
assistance. Assisting a Cuban Transition Government to meet these
basic needs is
paramount for a stable transition period, new Government credibility,
and timely elections.
Humanitarian assistance could include support in the following sectors:
(1) water
and sanitation; (2) health systems and nutrition; (3) food security;
(4) shelter and
settlements; (5) protection; and (6) education services. This collective
humanitarian
support will help facilitate a Cuban- led democratic transition.
Sovereign governments are responsible for the welfare of their own
citizens and for
others in their care (e.g., refugees, asylum seekers, migrants,
etc.). U.S. Government
assistance and that of the international community should be provided
to support, not
substitute for, the new Cuban Transition Governments responsibility
for its people. The
Transition Government should actively encourage and contribute available
resources
(human and financial) for humanitarian relief activities to reduce
human suffering and
prevent collapse.
Critical to a successful humanitarian response is the ability of
all parties to quickly,
and preferably locally, access required resources such as fuel,
logistics and communications systems. Equally important in the initial
stages is U.S. Government and international support for local Cuban
media efforts. The public should have access to information regarding
the Cuban Transition Governments humanitarian response efforts
to ensure the public is aware, understands, and remains supportive
of these activities.
Any U.S. Government assistance provided in response to requests
by the Cuban
Transition Government would follow four principles:
(1) coordination with the Transition
Government, international organizations, bilateral donors, and international
and existing Cuban assistance organizations;
(2) addressing the most critical humanitarian needs;
(3) identifying and prioritizing critical needs of vulnerable populations
first (e.g., women,
children, elderly, disabled, displaced, chronically-ill and chronically-underserved
populations); and
(4) seeking to do no harm to individuals, households, the culture,
the
economy, security, and the environment.
By providing assistance according to these principles, the U.S.
Government can
help the Cuban Transition Government guarantee political freedom,
economic opportunity and hold free and fair multiparty elections.
Water and Sanitation
Cuba today faces daunting water-supply and sanitation issues, including
inoperative
sewage treatment plants. In the entire country, there are only five
municipal wastewater plants, and only four percent of the sewage
effluent has some degree of treatment. Water and sewer pipeline
networks are in shambles. Havanas population of over two million
people uses a sewer system designed for a population of 600,000.
Havanas wastewater flow receives primary treatment only, and
excess flow is discharged with minimal, if any, treatment.
Insufficient levels of wastewater treatment and the lack of sewer
pipelines have
caused a degradation of the water quality. Runoff from heavily treated
fields with
fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides, as well as the discharge
of untreated effluents from cities and industries such as sugar
mills, sugar-by-products, food processing plants, and mining operations,
also severely pollute surface and groundwater in Cuba.
As a result, only 62 percent of Cubans have reasonable access to
disinfected water. Trash pickup is intermittently undertaken, which
perpetuates the proliferation of mini-dumpsites in populated areas
and near the perimeters of boarding schools and students/workers'
camps.
There are also alarming difficulties in the hygienic cond itions
of dumpsites and deficient handling and disposal of hazardous waste
from hospitals, which creates a serious health risk.
In light of these conditions, the Cuban Transition Government may
request U.S.
Government and other donor support to prevent and control the possible
outbreak of
sanitation-related infectious diseases in rural and urban areas.
If requested, the U.S. Government could support efforts to ensure
critical water and
sanitation services for the Cuban people. The U.S. Government can
work with the Cuban Transition Government, international agencies,
and other donors to:
(1) ensure access to adequate quantity and quality of potable water;
(2) develop accessible human-waste and wastewater disposal facilities;
(3) ensure access to garbage/solid-waste collection and
disposal facilities;
(4) assist local communities in the planning and implementation
of
environmental- health interventions;
(5) help prevent sanitation-related disease; and
(6) offer assistance to local operations and management to improve
the existing operation of sanitation facilities.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request U.S. assistance to
address critical
water and sanitation needs, the U.S. Government could do the following:
Help address the needs for potable water and sanitation in
major urban and rural
populations;
Provide chlorine or other water-treatment materials;
Assist with water trucks to deliver water to needy communities;
Provide technical assistance and other materials for the
construction of new wells in
needy and vulnerable communities;
Assist with garbage trucks to collect and dispose of garbage
in major urban (or rural)
areas, and in vulnerable population centers;
Provide soap, disinfectant, and cleaning materials to vulnerable
groups;
Support infectious disease surveillance, especially in areas
identified to have an
increased risk of disease outbreaks; and
Support hygiene-education programs in any sanitation-related
interventions, and
provide technical assistance for mass-media public-information campaigns
health
and sanitation.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request U.S. assistance once
critical
needs have been addressed, the U.S. Government could provide the
following assistance during the recovery phase:
Help ensure sanitation facilities are operational, adequately
staffed and functioning;
Work with the Cuban Transition Government to ensure local
communities are actively
involved in identifying and addressing their ongoing critical needs,
and in
monitoring and evaluating the effectiveness of existing sanitation
interventions;
involve local and city governments to develop and implement environmental-health
education programs using interna tionally recognized models such
as Community
Participation Problem-Solving: The Participatory Hygiene and Sanitation
Transformation (PHAST) Approach or the Assessing Community Excellence
in
Environmental Health (PACE-EH) approach promoted by the National
Association
of County and City Health Officials (NACCHO); and
Work with the Transition Government to ensure national policies
and infrastructure
increase the long-term capacity of local communities to manage effectively
the
operation and maintenance of water and sanitation facilities through
training and
technical support.
Health-Care and Nutrition
Despite one of the highest per capita rates of doctors in the world
and the ability to
purchase medicines and medical devices from U.S. companies and the
rest of the
international community for use in Cuban hospitals, the Cuban health-care
system lacks basic supplies and equipment to treat the Cuban people
on a daily basis. The regime has chosen its priority: health spending
on services and medicines for foreigners, rather than its own citizens.
Today, the regime is increasingly sending its doctors abroad and
diverting even more of its medical resources to the treatment of
foreigners in Cuba. In a form of medical apartheid, hospitals that
treat regime officials and foreigners who pay hard currency have
modern equipment, clean halls, and adequate staffing, whereas hospitals
that treat the average Cuban lack basic medical supplies, such as
bandages and over-the-counter painkillers, have filthy hallways,
insufficient lighting, and are understaffed. Should a health or
nutrition emergency arise when a Cuban transition occurs, quick
assistance could help the Cuban Transition Government respond.
Potential U.S. Government responses to the array of possible needs
during a
transition may be divided between actions necessary for critical
life-saving response and those available during a recovery phase.
If requested, the U.S. Government working with United Nations (UN)
organizations, the international community, other donors, the U.S.
private sector, and other partners could provide critical health
and nutrition assistance in three major areas:
1) Preventing and Addressing Acute Malnutrition
School systems could provide nutritional supplements to children
to maintain an
adequate diet until the new Government can stabilize its own public-health
and
medical system;
The U.S. Government can support the United Nations Childrens
Fund (UNICEF),
other partners, and health facilities to implement supplementary
feeding programs
and community therapeutic-care programs for the treatment of global
acute
malnutrition and severe acute malnutrition;
The U.S. Government, in coordination with the UN (The Pan
American Health
Organization (PAHO) and UNICEF) and others can assist local health
and
local/decentralized Government facilities to provide primary health
care focus on
preventing and treating killer diseases, such as diarrhea, acute
respiratory illness,
and preventing the recurrence of measles;
The U.S. Government could assist the Transition Government,
UNICEF, local health
facilities, and other partners to conduct immunization campaigns
and vitamin A
deficiency, assess quality control, and continue of routine immunizations
of all
children and those under five not already immunized; and
Assist local health and local/decentralized Government facilities
to rehabilitate key
local health infrastructure for effective delivery of care.
2) Ensure Supply of Drugs and Emergency Medical Commodities
Help ensure adequate supplies of health and surgical kits
are available;
Provide HIV/AIDS testing kits to verify access to a safe
blood supply; and
Utilize nutritional and health-assessment information to
inform where to direct acute
and non-acute food, medical and surgical supplies and kits.
3) Detect and Respond to Immediate Health and Nutrition Needs
Conduct hands-on needs assessment to provide objective data
and observations on the
state of health care, nutrition, and basic social services; and
Conduct infectious-disease surveillance, and recommend actions
for assistance where water, sanitation, and health conditions are
poor or potentially harmful.
It will be crucial for the Cuban Transition Government to quickly
ascertain the
health status or health care at the individual or community level.
Therefore, supporting a functioning health system, preventing disease
outbreaks, and other important health-care needs is essential for
a healthy population to aid the Cuba Transition Government in guaranteeing
political freedom, economic opportunity, and hold free and fair
elections. If health and nutrition needs are limited or are under
control, the U.S. Government could assist a Cuban Transition Government
and other partners in recovery phase efforts in the following three
priority areas, if requested:
1) Support Surveillance Systems to Detect and Control Infectious
Diseases
Health and nutrition-surveillance systems monitor and help prevent
potential
disease outbreaks. Assessments can reveal the capacity of Cuban
hospitals, clinics and physicians to identify and respond to outbreaks
of infectious diseases during a transition, and help create surveillance
systems appropriate for Cuban health and nutrition needs. If Cuban
health systems reveal weaknesses, the U.S. Government and others
could support local health and local/decentralized Government facilities
with the following actions, if necessary:
Conduct routine, sentinel, or survey surveillance of key
infectious diseases;
Respond to evidence of declining immunization coverage by
delivering
immunizations throughout the country through campaigns or routine
clinic visits
depending on, the state of health- facility and cold-chain infrastructure;
and
Revise and update existing national health emergency preparedness
plans to respond
to the, potential spread of new infectious diseases, such as pandemic
influenza.
2) Meet the Ongoing Health Needs of Vulnerable Populations
If necessary, the U.S. Government could aid the Cuban Transition
Government in
identifying possible gaps in health-care by providing assistance
to accomplish the
following:
Improve the quality of epidemiological data-collection to
determine where needs exist
for short-term actions, and help with the preparation of long-term
health-sector
plans;
Assistance to help maintain the care of Cubans with chronic
conditions; and
Provide assistance to help re-staff health clinics that are
understaffed or are otherwise
not functional.
3) Support Continued Functioning of the Cuban Health System
Ensuring that the Cuban health system is operational and opened
up to serve all
Cubans is critical for the welfare of the Cuban people. Assessments
and surveillance
systems can reveal obstacles, gaps, or deterioration in health care.
If issues are identified and the Cuban Transition Government requests
support, the U.S. Government could support the Cubans and others
to conduct the following:
Evaluate the quality and safety of basic health care, including
hospitals, health-care
providers, elderly and nursing home care, maternal, child health
, referral networks,
logistics, essential drug-supply systems, and emergency transportation;
and
Help Cuban health-care providers in assisting the Transition
Government to review
health-related laws, regulations and policies to determine changes
necessary for
sustaining and/or improving quality of health care to maintain social
protection,
and, the proper monitoring and control of infectious diseases.
Food Security
Mismanaged domestic agricultural production and a long-standing
drought have led
Cuba to increasingly import food to meet basic nutritional needs.
Despite exports to Cuba from the United States of more than $1.2
billion in agricultural products between 2001 and 2006 and regular
trade with other countries, the Cuban government has failed to meet
the basic food needs of the Cuban people. The regimes food-rationing
system provides Cubans with less than half of their monthly food
needs. To meet the shortfall, ordinary Cubans buy food on the black
market or at inflated prices in Government-run dollar stores, if
they can secure the funds. Government-run hotels that serve foreign
tourists do not experience similar shortages.
The Cuban populations basic food needs must be addressed for
the Cuban
Transition Government to create the conditions to fully guarantee
political freedom,
economic opportunity, and hold free and fair elections. Because
acute food insecurity
could have a negative impact on the transition process, the U.S.
Government should be prepared, if requested, to work with other
partners to help the Cuban Transition
Government address the needs of affected populations.
The regimes own statistics from 2005 indicate that at least
15 percent of Cubas
population already is at severe nutritional risk. Any negative shift
in the capacity of the
Cuban Transition Government to meet basic food needs could result
in instability and
increased levels of malnutrition. Under these circumstances, vulnerable
populations are at particular risk, and could require special consideration.
If requested, the U.S. Government can offer help in coordinating
food-security aid
activities with the Cuban Transition Government, local agencies,
and civil society groups, to meet acute and recovery needs. The
U.S. Government could help the new Government alleviate food insecurity
by doing the following:
Improving the availability, access, and utilization of food;
and
Protecting the income and property of Cuban families by maintaining
and
strengthening traditional strategies for coping with food shortages,
such as
diversifying food sources and finding alternative income opportunities.
If assessments reveal that malnutrition and food insecurity exist,
the critical
emergency response must be rapid and effective. Upon request, the
U.S. Government
could work with the Cuban Transition Government to identify all
available existing Cuban food-distribution systems and decide which
method would be the most effective to ensure the quick delivery
of food.
If requested in a recovery phase, the U.S. Government can support
the Transition
Government, Cuban farmers, and Cuban agricultural industry efforts
to evaluate which
systems are most effective for the medium and long-term distribution
of food or non-food related humanitarian aid, or general commercial
supplies, in the country.
If necessary and requested, the U.S. Government and other partners
could
implement the following activities:
Assist local and general food distribution by the UN-World
Food Program (WFP) in
accordance with internationally accepted standards to meet daily
caloric needs in
response to critical malnutrition needs in identified populations;
If necessary, establish Community Therapeutic Feeding Centers
or traditional
Therapeutic Feeding Centers with local officials and implementing
partners to
distribute supplemental foods to vulnerable groups identified in
nutritional
assessments;
Identify short-term Food- for-Work activities for able-bodied
Cubans in local
economic, environmental, or other immediate labor property to assist
a new
Government in creating a secure and stable community; and
Identify and assess traditional coping mechanisms, including
urban and rural small
home gardens to supplement emergency food needs.
The Cuban Transition Government may request support for Cubas
agricultural and
livestock systems. If requested, the U.S. Government could assist
the Cuban Transition Government in implementing the following activities
to reduce the loss of productive assets, and maintain and strengthen
traditional crisis-coping mechanisms vital for household food security:
Identify and coordinate with appropriate Transition Ministries,
local staff,
communities, and organizations such as the UN Food and Agriculture
Organization
(FAO) to implement critical agricultural and livestock activities;
Support monitoring the affordability of food prices and suggest
options if prices rise
above the capacity of most households to purchase food;
Encourage the continuation of agricultural production, and
determine its potential to
meet emergency food needs for general and/or supplemental food distribution
or
food markets;
Provide veterinary drugs and equipment, as needed, particularly
vaccinations for
livestock to ensure the maintenance of any existing protein sources
for the
populations nutritional health;
Support efforts to secure fuel, spare parts, and technical
assistance to repair or to
reestablish the use of necessary agricultural machinery and equipment;
Identify and support local market channels for agricultural
inputs and livestock needs.
If not locally available, explore moving supplies from similar agricultural
areas to
places in need; and
Maintain food and economic access to contribute to the livelihoods
of vulnerable
households via local seed fairs or other fairs that support the
diversification of
livelihood options.
Once critical food insecurity and nutritional needs are stable,
the U.S. Governments
efforts can focus on assisting the Cuban Transition Government and
others to improve food security. If requested, the U.S. Government
could help the Cuban Transition Government work with local authorities
to evaluate and determine the best options to improve food production
and distribution systems. If requested, the U.S. Government could
assist Cubans to build local capability to assess and address the
following:
Food-distribution patterns -- markets, general distribution;
The availability of household income to meet additional food
needs;
Status of vulnerable populations; and
Cuban- led efforts to strengthen local capacity to quickly
identify and manage urgent
food needs.
If it is necessary to support agricultural and livestock systems
in the recovery phase,
the U.S. Government and other partners could continue to support
the Cuban Transition Governments efforts to assess household
coping mechanisms. Activities in the emergency phase could continue
as required by secondary assessments and regular monitoring. If
requested by the Cuban Transition Government, U.S. Government support
could include the following:
Support efforts to help agricultural production areas secure
access to agricultural
system inputs such as identifying and providing locally adapted
and accepted seed
varieties (from existing research and educational institutions),
organic fertilizer,
tools (mechanization and irrigation), and veterinary supplies;
Assist Cuban efforts to assess agricultural production methods
that are sustainable and contribute to meeting national and local
food needs. This can include assessing
agricultural cooperatives, land access and the removal of private
market restrictions;
Support local veterinary and agriculture extension agents
through the provision of
supplies or (if appropriate), through training and capacity-building;
and
Support local agricultural universities in the production
and multiplication of local
preferred seed varieties (including preservation of genetic resources),
as well as
improved local varieties of essential food commodities.
Shelter The Cuban government has allowed the islands housing
situation to fall into severe crisis. U.S.-based housing experts
have estimated Cuba is lacking adequate housing by at least 1.6
million units. It is commonplace for multiple families to inhabit
inadequate tworoom structures or to squat in unsafe
buildings. In light of additional damage and structural collapses
as a result of hurricanes, it is unlikely that a complete resolution
of Cubas severe housing crisis will occur during a transition
period.
Yet, should the Cuban Transition Government request U.S. Government
assistance
in this area, U.S. Government actions can focus on supporting a
comprehensive assessment of Cubas housing needs and helping
the Cuban Transition Government provide temporary shelter to vulnerable
populations. Individuals without shelter are at increased risk of
exposure to unhealthy and unsafe conditions, such as infectious
diseases and risky behavior (including contributing to political
instability). Furthermore, if unable to find food and clean water,
persons without shelter can quickly become additional burdens on
critical humanitarian aid, which could jeopardize the ability of
the Cuban Transition Government to guarantee political freedom,
economic opportunity, and hold free and fair elections.
If requested, the U.S. Government can assist the Cuban Transition
Government and
other partners to conduct comprehensive assessments of shelter and
settlement to ensure shelter assistance: (1) is in accordance with
the priorities of local communities; (2) is supportive of the objectives
of the Cuba Transition Government; and (3) complies with recognized
international humanitarian shelter guidelines, such as those from
the Sphere Project.
Rapid, critical assessments will reveal differences between social
(e.g.,
overcrowding) and structural (e.g., repair and upgrading) issues.
The U.S. Government can then base its support upon the provision
of safe, adequate, habitable, and hazard-resistant shelter to identified
vulnerable persons. U.S. Government aid can also promote safer
settlements to reduce the adverse impacts of natural hazards,
unhealthy, and unsafe conditions. The aforementioned includes providing
basic, shelter-related services (e.g., water, sanitation, drainage),
and providing garbage and/or solid-waste collection and disposal
services to identified vulnerable populations.
If requested, the U.S. Government, in coordination with other partners
and local
communities, can help the Cuban Transition Government to address
critical shelter
assistance needs as follows:
Provide safe, adequate, habitable, and hazard-resistant shelter;
basic, shelter-related
services (e.g., water, sanitation, drainage); and garbage and/or
solid-waste collection
and disposal services;
Work with communities in designing and implementing locally-developed
interventions providing for shelter;
Ensure all shelter and settlement interventions reflect hazard-
mitigation measures; and
Evaluate logistics-supply systems to ensure sufficient building
supplies are available
for the timely construction of shelters, and are equitably disbursed
throughout the
country.
Once critical shelter and settlement needs are addressed or are
stable, if requested,
the U.S. Government can support the Cuban Transition Governments
efforts regarding
non-critical shelter and settlement issues. If required, possible
actions during the recovery phase could include the following:
Continuing to work with local communities to ensure their
participation and voice in
conducting on-site, on-going needs assessments to provide an objective
basis for
determining the effectiveness of shelter interventions;
Reviewing of national policy frameworks to identify any changes
required to ensure
long-term local community involvement in the planning and implementation
of
shelter and settlement interventions, and ensuring programs receive
sufficient
financial and human resource support from the Cuban Transition Government;
and
Reviewing community-based hazard-mitigation and preparedness
plans, and
supporting revisions if necessary to promote safer settlements.
These plans could
include structural (e.g., hurricane straps) and non-structural interventions
(e.g.,
coastal zone management, floodplain management, hillside development
ordinances, and local land-use planning).
Protection of the Most Vulnerable Populations
Protection is a term applied to efforts to reduce physical,
emotional, and social
risks to a population, partic ularly vulnerable individuals and
groups. A Cuban Transition Government will face immediate pressures
to provide equal access to basic services, and to promote the rights
and dignity of individuals, families, groups, and communities. If
requested to provide assistance, the U.S. Government should ensure
incorporation of internationally recognized protection principles
into all assistance initiatives for the Cuban people. These principles
could guarantee meeting the needs of the most vulnerable, while
providing a potent example of respect for the dignity of all people.
The U.S. Government could do this in several ways:
Incorporating protection into the design and implementation
of humanitarian
assistance programs to identify and support vulnerable populations
to reduce or
manage risks from violence, abuse, harassment, and exploitation;
Assessing the needs of specific vulnerable populations, and
considering how to
provide assistance to ensure their needs are met, including by reinforcing
positive
coping mechanisms among individuals and communities; and
Establishing information systems in the earliest stages of
humanitarian activities to
share timely and accurate information with the population, and between
assistance
providers.
If requested, the U.S. Government could support, along with other
partners, a Cuban
Transition Governments adherence to protection principles,
now and during critical and
non-critical periods during the transition as follows:
Ensuring protection principles are understood and adhered
to by all assistance sectors and organizations;
Assessing affected populations, with special attention paid
to identifying vulnerable
individuals and groups and developing strategies to reinforce positive
coping
mechanisms and ensure basic services meet their needs;
Developing a monitoring and reporting system to ensure assistance
reaches vulnerable populations and to identify and resolve protection
problems;
Establishing a tracing system for separated families and
supporting reunification as
soon as possible. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
could also
provide useful assistance in this area;
Ensuring the safety of public records and other official
documents, including landregistry documents; and
Establishing a public- information system via radio, TV,
and other means to reach the
broadest number of people.
Once critical protection needs are addressed, if requested, the
U.S. Government
could support, with other partners, a Cuban Transition Governments
efforts during the
recovery phase to do the following:
Developing more robust assessments, monitoring, and service-delivery
to vulnerable
populations;
Resolving family reunification cases; and
Providing individual identifications for those without, if
necessary.
Educational Systems
Cubas educational system is based on the Soviet model of combining
education, physical labor, and political ideology to indoctrinate
youth. While Cuba reports one of Latin Americas best literacy
rates, childrens textbooks are ideologically skewed. Independent
thought is neither encouraged nor allowed. As part of their indoctrination,
adolescent students are sent away to poorly run work camps in the
countryside. Because of an exodus of seasoned educators to jobs
in the tourism industry, the Cuban educational system relies on
teachers- in-training, including 18-year-old high-school graduates.
Parents are increasingly expressing concern that these new teachers
do not have adequate training. As a result, the regime now prohibits
trained teachers from working in higher-paying, dollarbased jobs.
If requested, the U.S. Government could help the Cuban Transition
Government
keep schools open, and help students, including vulnerable individuals,
remain in school during a transition.
The first step to meet this objective could be to conduct a field-based
needs
assessment of the Cuban education systems infrastructure,
staffing, funding, and materials, plus Cuban libraries, in cooperation
with Cuban Transition authorities. A preliminary assessment within
the first three months could form the basis for longer-term assistance
planning. This assessment should include facilities currently used
for instructional purposes at all levels, as well as facilities
shut down or converted by the regime that might be retur ned to
educational uses.
If needed and requested by the Cuban Transition Government, U.S.
Government
educational support, in coordination with other partners, could
include the following:
Assisting the Cuban Transition Government in finding options
for vulnerable
populations if the transition creates problems of continuity with
basic services or
economic hardship deprives individuals from participating in education
activities;
Organizing groups of volunteer teachers, from abroad and
overseas Cuban teacher
associations, such as National Association of Cuban American Educators
to help
support Cuban teachers; and
Engaging donors, including Organization of American States
(OAS) countries, and
appropriate publishers to work with Cuban teachers to supply temporary
instructional materials to replace politicized materials withdrawn
by the Cuban
Transition Government.
During a recovery period, if requested and necessary, the U.S. Government
could
support the Cuban Transition Governments efforts to coordinate
with international donors and assistance agencies, such as religious
bodies, private donors, civic groups, and the Cuban Transition Government
to do the following:
Ensure educational facilities and services are available
to as many of the Cuban
people as possible; and
Assist the Cuban transition educational system to remove
legal, social, and health
impediments to vulnerable populations who need special consideration
in either
traditional educational systems or in non-traditional education
systems, such as
those for current or released prisoners, mentally ill individuals,
the growing elderly
population, ho meless youth, or drug abusers.
IRIS.
CHAPTER
3
HELPING CUBANS
GET
TO FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS
Introduction
A Cuban Transition Government will face the daunting challenge of
ending the brutal,
one-party totalitarian state that has exercised complete control
over all aspects of life on the island and of organizing a democratic
process so that the Cuban people can reclaim their right to determine
their own future. The current regime manipulates migration and uses
violence and its absolute control of the Cuban economy to try to
forestall the emergence of a viable alternative to one-man rule.
Despite cruel repression, Cubas independent civil society
and opposition remain dedicated to securing liberty, meaningful
change, and reconciliation for Cubas 11 million citizens.
Cubas legitimate future can only be decided by Cubans, for
Cubans. They alone
have the right to determine their own fate. Cubans have the right
to see their sovereign will expressed through free and fair, multiparty
elections. U.S. law provides that we can assist a transition government
only if it is committed to early elections. We cannot support a
Cuban government that does not allow its citizens to freely elect
their leaders. U.S. support will not be made available to a government
that adopts economic or other policies that suggest change but which
do not actually achieve the goal of dismantling the repressive regime
and making a full transition to democracy.
To meet international standards for free and fair elections, Cubans
from across the
political spectrum would have to be able to enjoy internationally
recognized rights,
including their right to organize politically, to carry on an open
and transparent debate
through a free press, to have a secret ballot, and to engage in
voter education and poll
observation. They would also have to be free from intimidation in
the legitimate exercise of these rights.
The transition to such an open environment, sufficiently in advance
of elections to
meet international standards, implies that a Cuban Transition Government
will need certain types of assistance from the international community.
U.S. preparations should be structured to provide assistance bilaterally
but should also focus on building international consensus and assistance
focused around supporting the process of building democracy in Cuba.
The principal purpose of any U.S. Government assistance should be
to help Cubans
create an environment where free and fair elections can take place.
Experience
demonstrates that the first six months of any assistance program
are critical. This 180-day period will surely also be critical to
helping Cubans secure a successful transition to democracy. Activities
should be properly sequenced to have better impact. This means that
the U.S. Government should be prepared well before a transition
begins to be able to respond in a timely manner. We cannot wait
until a transition begins to design assistance programs. We should
do those things now and be ready to implement our aid as soon as
we are asked to do so.
A Cuban Transition Government cannot be expected to rectify, in
a few months, the
consequences of decades of dictatorships. Accordingly, the U.S.
should encourage the Cuban Transition Government to focus on those
steps that will allow the election of a truly democratic, representative
government that can take on that historic challenge.
A Transition Government should not be overburdened with tasks that
are important
to the medium and long term growth of Cuban society, but not essential
to elections for a democratic government. This will only delay a
real transition. Keeping these priorities straight will require
real discipline on the part of U.S. agencies and private institutions
eager to help the Cuban people.
U.S. assistance can be provided to help Cubans overcome obstacles
to democratic
elections and move rapidly to create an environment conducive to
free and fair multiparty elections.
Release Of Political Prisoners
The release of political prisoners is a sine qua non for U.S. assistance
and an
essential precondition for creating an environment in which democratic
elections may be held. It is not possible to create the infrastructure
of democracy if key political actors remain in prison and unable
to participate because of their political views.
Many Cuban prisoners of conscience are well known to the international
community. There are hundreds of others who are less well known.
U.S. policy makers will need the most accurate data possible to
share with a Cuban
Transition Government concerning those who should be released immediately
to meet our criteria and international standards.
In addition, in compliance with international human rights standards,
the Cuban
Transition Government should establish a process for Cuban authorities
to review claims of political incarceration, including cases of
persons with apparent criminal convictions that were politically-motivated.
The U.S. Government will be ready to provide technical assistance
to help establish and support such a process.
Priority areas for U.S. Government-offered assistance
In order to help a Cuban Transition Government adhere to international
human
rights standards:
Maintain a database of political prisoners By collecting
and collating data now from
credible sources the U.S. Government should prepare itself to provide
a Transition
Government a list of those prisoners the U.S. and other international
actors consider
to be political prisoners who should be released forthwith;
Provide assistance to help former political prisoners re-
integrate into society;
Provide healthcare to prisoners; and
Assemble and maintain a current list of criminal justice
system personnel implicated
in abuse or corruption that will be available to all U.S. Government
personnel
discussing conditions for potential U.S. assistance with a Cuban
Transition
Government.
Eliminating Legal Obstacles To Freedom Of Speech,
Freedom Of The Press, And Freedom Of Political Association
Current Cuban law and practice prevents the right to assemble without
the
permission of the regime, criminalizes dissemination of information
contrary to the official line, and provides the state with a monopoly
over the press. It also institutio nalizes the Communist Party of
Cuba as the only legitimate political party, and gives it Constitutional
superiority over the government and society. Obviously, such obstacles
must be suspended or eliminated at the outset of a transition period
if Cubans are to be able to debate their future and organize themselves
for free elections. Elimination of such obstacles will be a sine
qua non for U.S. assistance to a Cuban Transition Government.
Priority areas for U.S. Government offered assistance:
Designate a U.S. agency to maintain an authoritative compilation
of the various laws,
regulations, and policies that are clear obstacles to the exercise
by Cubans of their
basic freedoms so that U.S. officials can offer a clear and consistent
view to a
Cuban Transition Government of what steps it would need to take
in this regard;
and
Development by qualified legal experts of an inventory of
the obstacles in Cuban law
to creating an environment for democratic elections as well as recommendations
of
the legal alternatives for repealing, amending, or suspending such
provisions.
Preparing For Competitive Multi-Party Elections And Democratic
Process
After almost 50 years of having a one party state imposed upon them,
Cubans who
desire a democratic future will need to build the infrastructure
of democracy, in particular a competitive political process, an
independent media, and credible election machinery.
The United States Government and other bilateral and multilateral
donors should,
working with qualified non-governmental organizations, immediately
be ready to help
Cubans prepare effectively to participate in their own democratic
process. A critical
challenge for the Cuban Transition Government will be to replace
the one-party system
with a level playing field for a competitive political process.
The advent of democracy in other former Soviet-bloc totalitarian
states in particular
provides a wealth of valuable experiences for Cubans to draw upon.
While no one
countrys experience exactly mirrors that of Cuba, a Cuban
Transition Government will
find there are many experts with experience in assisting similar
transitions.
Continuing to strengthening independent and legitimate organizations
on the island,
including the countrys courageous civic opposition and Cubas
religious institutions, will be essential to establishing a true
democracy. The United States is committed to helping Cubas
independent civil society develop both before and after a transition
is underway.
Priority areas for U.S. Government offered assistance:
U.S. and other international party building NGOs should continue
their work with
Cuban democrats in advance of a transition and be prepared to substantially
ramp
up these efforts once a transition is underway (i.e., help Cuban
democrats do
appropriate assessments, develop plans, identify training for personnel,
and take
other preparatory steps now so that they are able to act promptly
once a transition is
underway);
Offer support and training to strengthen a range of independent
organizations such as
youth, women, labor, and faith-based groups to engage effectively
in democratic
processes and to begin to lay the foundation for national justice
and reconciliation;
and
Cuban political organizations committed to working in a democratic
system must be
prepared to provide the Cuban people a full range of political choices
when free and
fair elections are he ld; preparatory steps should include, but
not be limited to,
political party training that would help nascent parties develop
platforms, field
candidates, and reach out to voters.
Support a Free and Independent Media
Restoring freedom of the press will be essential to securing free
and fair multiparty
elections for the people of Cuba. U.S. assistance programs have
reflected the importance of a free media, providing rhetorical and
concrete assistance to independent and dissident journalists on
the is land. A Cuban Transition Government will need to lift the
states monopoly on the media. It will do no good to have political
parties and an honest election system if voters cannot learn of
the political choices available to them or of their rights as voters.
A free media will help inform voters of significant political options
and provide
them with objective information concerning their rights and voting
procedures.
Uncensored news and information can also help counter rumors spread
by those seeking to undermine a democratic transition by reducing
tensions and uncertainty.
Priority areas for U.S. Government-offered assistance:
Offer training on principles and functioning of a free press,
as well as short-term
material assistance for providing election coverage, such as newspaper
inserts on
coverage of election issues and televised debates;
Training on use of media to foster public debate on issues
of concern;
Offer technical assistance from private sector media experts
and journalists to support the development of private media;
Provide short-term material assistance to new independent
newspapers and media
outlets;
Offer training to journalists and help the media disseminate
accurate information, in
order to dispel rumors; and
Help Cubans join the modern world by supporting uncensored
access to the Internet.
Support For Free And Fair Election Administration
Cuba is a one-party state where virtually any form of independent
political or civic
activity is banned. While elected state institutions legally exist,
they operate under the
complete control of Cubas Communist authorities. The U.S.
Government needs to be
prepared to help the Cuban Transition Government modify Cubas
electoral system to
accommodate pluralism and, ultimately, produce credible, legitimate
results. To assure both Cubans and the international community that
the elections are free and fair, the Cuban Transition Government
will likely wish to consider asking the United Nations and the Organization
of American States or other international organizations to support
the electoral process with aid and observation missions.
A Cuban Transition Government committed to free and fair elections
will need to
reform the state's election machinery. While many technical components
of the existing system may be feasible for use in a free and fair
election, there is a difference between an election administration
system designed to produce a foreordained result in a single-party
police state, and a system capable of credibly administering a genuinely
democratic election process that respects the rule of law and human
rights.
A Cuban Transition Government will need international assistance
to prepare for
free and fair elections. The United States and other potential sources
of assistance must be ready to respond immediately. Assessments
of shortcomings in Cubas existing electoral process and arrangements
for recruiting expert personnel to help address these shortcomings
should be in place before the transition if we are to be ready to
respond at the outset of a transition.
The credibility of elections both domestically and internationally
depends in great
measure on a transparent and non-partisan election administration
that is supported by public electoral observation, especially where
the population lacks trust in the existing system. Democratic countries,
including the United States and the other countries of the region,
allow domestic and international election monitoring of the entire
electoral process (from pre-election phases such as voter registration,
party campaigning and media access to post-election activities)
as an important contribut ion to their efforts to instill confidence
among voters in the transparency of the process. Monitoring by party
representatives and neutral bodies, in addition to international
observation and appropriate media reporting, enhances the credibility
of the process. Similarly, voter education, primarily through nongovernmental
organizations, is fundamentally important.
Priority areas for U.S. Government-offered assistance:
Support an assessment of what needs to be done immediately
to rectify any
shortcomings in Cubas election administration process: enough
is known about the
current system to allow an assessment to be made now so that potential
donors will
have a clear idea of what will be needed in terms of appropriate
revisions to
electoral legislation, technical expertise, and material resources;
Ensure that experienced international elections experts are
available immediately to
assist Cuban Transition authorities in establishing an elections
system that respects
the rule of law and the democratic process;
Ascertain the potential benefits of a role for the UN and
OAS in election capacity
building and observation;
Support for a robust voter education campaign which focuses
on voter rights,
including the right to a secret ballot and the full range of technical
election matters
such as processes for updating the electoral registry, voter registration,
voter
eligibility, counting votes, fraud prevention, lodging complaints,
location of polling
places, and how results will be issued on Election Day, among others;
Support for the establishment of a credible domestic monitoring
effort working with
existing democratic forces to train and develop a network of credible,
non-partisan
domestic observers, using models developed in other transition countries;
and
Support for international observers.
Offer appropriate technical support to a credible interim election
authority:
Assistance to ensure that the voter registration system is
reliable and accurate;
Appropriate technical support to create a coherent organization
and logistical plan,
communication strategy, and timeline for administering elections;
Appropriate technical support to develop and implement a
communications strategy
that ensures transparency and confidence in the electoral process;
and
Appropriate technical support to develop and implement an
election dispute resolution system.
Support For Professional, Institutional Military
During a transition, Cubans will want to promote and guarantee the
professionalism,
dignity, and political neutrality of their armed forces.
A Cuban Transition Government will likely rely on this institution
to perform many
tasks during the transition period. The challenge for the Transition
Government will be to harness the militarys energies and direct
it in ways that contribute to a successful transition period.
Priority areas for U.S. Government-offered assistance:
Offer assistance in preparing the Cuban military forces to
adjust to an appropriate role in a democracy.
CHAPTER
4
HELPING CUBANS CREATE
MARKET-BASED ECONOMIC
OPPORTUNITIES
Introduction
Establishing the foundation of economic growth will be vital to
ensuring that the
Cuban Transition Government guarantees political freedom, economic
opportunity and
holds free and fair elections.
For almost 50 years, the Cuban people have lived under a closed
economic system
designed to maintain control. It has stifled economic activity and
discouraged
entrepreneurship, keeping the Cuban people occupied with surviving
and keeping food on the table for their families. The economic changes
sure to take place in Cuba as it moves toward free and fair multiparty
elections are thus likely to both create new opportunities for many
Cubans and also cause some anxiety.
The Cuban people are well aware that the old system has not worked.
Many will
embrace entrepreneurship; others will be unsure of their ability
to prosper under a freemarket system. A Cuban Transition Government
will face significant pressure to take quick action to increase
economic opportunities and give the Cuban people hope for an economic
stake in the new system. Quick and visible economic progress will
give important legitimacy to the Cuban Transition Government as
it moves to hold democratic elections.
Cubans have a demonstrated capacity to respond to economic stimuli.
During the
Special Period of the early- to mid- 1990s when Castro
briefly lessened some regimeimposed economic restraints, the Cuban
people demonstrated their ability to react quickly to economic incentives
that benefited both themselves and society at large. Cubans have
also revealed great entrepreneurship through their participation
in the thriving informa markets.
Providing new economic opportunities will generate employment and
economic
growth. The task will be hard, but the rewards will be many. A Cuban
Transition
Government will likely confront the need to legalize many of the
essential economic tasks now performed by the informal market. It
will also face a number of critical issues ranging from stabilizing
the Cuban macroeconomic condition to creating a microeconomic framework
that will allow private enterprise to grow. It will confront a long
history of poor labor relations and demands to respect the rights
of workers to form unions and bargain collectively. It will need
to ensure that its critical infrastructure is not only adequately
functioning, but on the road to recovery.
Because of their sensitive nature, many issues of economic stability
and change will
require the decisions of the Cuban Transition Government. However,
other actors,
including Cubans abroad, the international community, and the U.S.
Government will have an important role to play in responding to
requests from the Cuban Transition Government for support and advice.
Assuming the Cuban Transition Government is receptive, Cubans outside
Cuba can provide both much needed resources in the form of investments,
increased remittances and loans, and needed advice on all aspects
of working within a freemarket system.
Macroeconomic Stability
Once an economic transition is underway, the Cuban Transition Government
will be
challenged to stabilize its macroeconomic situation. Historical
evidence indicates that
establishing and maintaining essential government services, avoiding
high inflation,
encouraging employment, and developing clear property rights will
be essential to the
successful transition from a communist system to a market-based
economic system.
The Cuban Transition Government will face difficult budgetary problems.
Currently, it
can only meet its budget needs with the considerable support of
foreign donors, primarily Venezuela. A Cuban Transition Government
may not have access to that support, given the Chavez Governments
ideological basis, but may be able to turn to new sources of assistance
from multilateral donors. The Cuban Transition Government will face
the challenge of strengthening its ability to collect taxes, as
well as beginning the process of reorienting the tax code to a market-based
economy.
A decline in revenues would force the difficult choice between cutting
spending and
running bigger budget deficits. The ability of the central government
to borrow from its
own banking system without increasing the money supply will likely
be very limited.
Some spending cuts would be difficult as the Cuban Transition Government
will most
likely wish to maintain social services and the civil service payroll
during the transition. As previous transitions have shown, the Cuban
Transition Government may face a decision to cut spending on subsidies
to state-run companies. While this would spur the restructuring
of the state enterprise sector, it may also result in significant
employee layoffs.
In order to support macroeconomic stability, a Cuban Transition
Government is likely to want to avoid inflationary financing from
the Central Bank. Instead, it could seek funding in the form of
loans and grants from the international donor community.
Cubas balance of payments will likely undergo significant
adjustment during the
transition if the exchange rate becomes convertible and restrictions
on trade and crossborder financial transactions are lifted. A decision
by the Venezuelan Gove rnment to suddenly cut its energy subsidies
to Cuba (estimated at more than $1 billion per year) could lead
to severe short-term fuel shortages with commensurately negative
consequences for the Cuban economy; though its potential impact
is difficult to fully measure as much of the energy subsidies currently
are diverted to support the regimes repressive security apparatus.
However, increased flows of foreign investment and tourism receipts
could help offset this impact. Sufficient resources will be required
to meet government needs and provide adequate foreign exchange,
to avoid having the Cuban economy fall into even greater disarray.
New capital flows from outside the country will be necessary to
ensure successful elections and an orderly transition to a democratic
society.
In order to sustain economic growth in the post-election period,
the Cuban Transition
Government will need to consider steps to reorient Cubas state
controlled financial system to a market-based system. Both new and
existing firms will need access to capital. As the transition proceeds
and new financial service firms enter the market, the Cuban Transition
Government will face issues of supervision and regulation of the
financial system to ensure adherence to international norms as well
as to build confidence in the financial system.
Should a Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
in its
economic transition, the U.S. Government, as permitted under U.S.
law, could:
Provide technical assistance in the areas of tax policy and
administration, budget
policy and management, banking and financial sector reform, government
debt
issuance and management, and financial enforcement (anti-money laundering,
anticorruption, and to counter financing of terrorism);
Offer short-term technical assistance to Cubas Central
Bank and help link Cubas
payments system to the U.S. payments system (via the Federal Reserve
System);
Assuming a Presidential determination as required by the
Libertad Act, take steps to
support the processing of Cubas application for membership
to the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and Inter-American Development
Bank,
provided that membership takes effect after a democratically-elected
government in
Cuba is in power;
Assuming a Presidential determination as required by the
Libertad Act, support
technical assistance and support assistance financed by grants to
Cuba from
International Financial Institutions (IFIs); and
Loosen or lift controls on financial flows to Cuba to allow
needed entry of capital.
Integration with the International Trade and Financial System
In order to sustain a growing economy, provide for a rapid increase
in its citizens standard of living, and generate employment,
a Cuban Transit ion Government will have to consider substantially
opening its economy to international trade and finance. Cuba began
this process during the Special Period, but subsequently
retrenched. In the short term, the present scarcity of goods of
all types in Cuba suggests that allowing greater importation would
have little effect on employment in the few import-competing industries
that presently exist.
The importation of capital and intermediate goods, however, should
allow for the development of new industries. The Cuban Transition
Government could replace quantitative restrictions on trade with
a tariff system that would be less economically distorting and would
provide a new source of revenue for the new government. If the Cuban
Transition Government pursues expanding trade, Cuban and foreign
companies will need increased access to trade finance.
As it proceeds to normalize relations with external creditors, the
Cuba Transition
Government will also be confronted with the problem of the islands
substantial debt.
However, beginning to address Cubas debt will allow Cuba to
re-enter world capital
markets. During the transition period, the Cuban Transition Government
could begin to
fully catalogue these claims and take preparatory steps for Cubas
re-entry into the IMF.
Should Cuba need debt relief from its Paris Club creditors, Cuba
will likely first need an
IMF program. A standard rescheduling of Cubas debt in the
Paris Club could be achieved at no budget cost to the U.S. Government
under certain conditions. Any Paris Club debt treatment beyond a
standard rescheduling would likely require both legislative authorization
and an appropriation from the U.S. Congress.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
in its
economic transition, the U.S. Government can:
Support increased access for Cubas exports to new markets
by encouraging allies to
include a free Cuba in regional free trade arrangements;
Explore potential for a U.S.-Cuba Free Trade Agreement with
a democraticallyelected
Cuban Government;
Explore setting up a trade finance facility that would work
with private banks
operating in Cuba to provide working capital;
Support trade ties with the Transition Government by setting
up commercial and
agricultural sections in the U.S. Interests Section that would provide
information to
and establish contacts for U.S. companies interested in exporting
to or investing in
Cuba; and
Once a democratically-elected Free Cuba Government has become
a member of the
IMF and has obtained the necessary upper credit tranche IMF program,
support
rescheduling of Cubas international debt under a Paris Club
agreement, if it is
determined that Cuba needs debt relief.
Encourage Small Business Development
The historical record demonstrates that small business development
is critical to
generating employment during transitions from closed to open economic
systems. Small businesses are the engine of economic growth in many
economies, including the United States. During the very limited
liberalization of the 1990s, small businesses were an important
source of new employment in Cuba.
At times, some small businesses have been permitted to operate within
the Cuban system, but only under strict limitations. More recently,
the regime has cracked down heavily on all independent economic
activity. Many more businesses operate informally in the black market.
In the early stages of the transition, the Cuban Transition Government
will face pressures to lift restrictions on small businesses and
to legalize many activities now forced into the informal sector.
As new businesses form, they will require financing. The flow of
remittances and
other private funding to Cuba during a transition will be crucial
to providing the Cuban
people with the resources they need not only to meet their daily
needs, but also to prosper through the creation of small/micro and
medium enterprises.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
to
encourage small business development, the U.S. Government could:
Establish micro-credit facilities, in cooperation with IFIs
and NGOs;
Encourage microfinance organizations that are already active
in providing
microfinance in Latin America to offer their services in Cuba during
the transition;
Provide technical assistance and expertise in the commercial
law arena to support
economic development;
Help establish Business Information Centers (BICs) based
on the U.S. Small Business Administration model used in other developing
nations; and
Encourage other organizations to provide much needed technical
advice and
entrepreneurial training to small businesses.
Ensuring Labor Rights are Respected
Cuba is a party to seven of the eight fundamental conventions of
the International Labor
Organization (ILO). However, the ILO and several other organizations
remain critical of
the labor rights situation in Cuba.
Cuban law does not allow workers in Cuba to form and join unions
of their choice, and
does not provide for the right to strike. Although collective bargaining
is legal, it does not exist in practice. The ILO Committee of Experts
has recommended changes to Cubas labor law concerning freedom
of association, protection of the right to organize, and collective
bargaining.
The Cuban state continues to set salaries for workers, and is virtually
the only employer in Cuba. In addition, the Castro regime requires
foreign investors to contract workers through state-owned employment
services. It decides who can and who cannot work for the foreign
firm. The regime charges a very high fee to the employer, but usually
passes less than five percent of that fee to the employee. A Cuban
Transition Government will likely want to begin to free labor markets
by allowing individual Cubans the right to seek employment where
they choose and to be paid a market-driven wage.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
to ensure
labor rights are respected, the U.S. Government can:
Provide technical assistance to assist with labor law reform
and improve labor law
enforcement to guarantee respect for basic labor rights;
Review the role of the Labor Ministry to allow for the development
of institutions that
will enable a free labor market to function;
Provide technical assistance in establishing and ensuring
the adherence to core labor standards compatible with ILO standards;
Develop public awareness of labor issues and train Cuban
partners to conduct
seminars on current labor laws, proposed reform efforts, and available
services; and
Provide technical advice and hands-on assistance to help
countries modernize job
placement and long-term training facilities to help ease the transition
from a
government-controlled economy to a free economy labor market.
Property Rights and Confiscated Property
Perhaps no issue will be more fraught with difficulty and complexity
for the Cuban
Transition Government than the status of property rights and confiscated
properties.
The Cuban Transition Government will likely and properly wish to
reassure the Cuban people that they will be secure in their homes
and property, and not subject to arbitrary expulsion, and that a
democratically elected government, representing the will of the
Cuban people, should make decisions regarding confiscated property.
At that time, persons whose property was expropriated without compensation
in Cuba may choose to pursue legal remedies or seek compensation.
A democratically elected Cuban Government will have a number of
models to draw upon in devising a strategy for assuring property
rights and addressing claims on confiscated properties.
The Cuban population has almost doubled while there has been no
evidence of a
corresponding increase in housing. In fact, there has been considerable
deterioration in the housing that does currently exist. Over the
years, the Cuban people have obtained various degrees of ownership
of their homes. Some have full title; others have the right to pass
their homes on to their children. Some have title only for their
lifetimes. Many Cubans live in what were originally single-family
homes but are now divided into numerous small apartments, sometimes
with makeshift additions. In preparation for democratic government,
the Cuban Transition Government should ensure that a residency database
is in place and that officials of the government do not use their
power to create a piñata of homes as happened
in Nicaragua following the end of Sandinista rule.
A democratic Cuban Government will also have to address the disposition
of
confiscated industrial, commercial, and agricultural properties.
For the most part, these decisions will be part of the process of
privatization as part of a transition to an open, market-based economy.
However, the Cuban Transition Government may find that some large
infrastruc ture or industrial projects necessary to jump-start the
economy may require early privatization to attract needed capital
and technical expertise. In some cases, previous transitional governments
have returned property to former owners on the condition of an early
injection of capital. In general, however, Cubans may wish to leave
such decisions to a legitimate, democratically elected Cuban Government.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
to
protect property rights and address confiscated property, the U.S.
Government can:
Reassure the Cuban people that the U.S. Government will not
support any arbitrary
effort to evict them from their homes; and
Provide technical assistance on the experiences of former
Communist countries in
dealing successfully with issues of property rights and privatization.
Agriculture
Approximately one-fourth of Cubas labor force (1.1 million
people in 2002) works
in the agricultural sector. This does not include those emp loyed
in food or sugar
processing. A jumble of farm organization structures characterizes
the sector. Some state farms still exist, but cooperatives now occupy
most of the agricultural land and employ perhaps half the agricultural
labor force. The closure of three quarters of the sugar mills in
the last few years has left an estimated 200 thousand farmers and
rural laborers without work. Few workers have found new jobs.
All farmers are required to negotiate a contract with their local
acopios, the state
intermediaries who buy the crops at state controlled prices and
provide the agricultural
inputs. Central planners, through the acopios, dictate which crops
are to be produced and where they should be planted. There are considerable
losses in the transport of agriculture products from farm to market.
The system provides the domestic component of the food sold in state
markets and allotted to the rationing system. No independent financial
institutions or providers of agricultural inputs currently exist.
Since the mid 1990s, farmers have been allowed to sell part of their
production through farmers markets.
Cuba could be a significant exporter of tropical fruits, citrus,
tobacco, and possibly
sugar once it begins to recover. It could also significantly increase
its domestic food
production. However, disentangling the current system to produce
a more productive and market responsive agricultural sector will
take time, and a Cuban Transition Government is likely to want to
leave it to a democratically-elected government.
In the interim, the Cuban Transition Government could begin to lift
restrictions on
farmers and marketing. Judging from the success of the farmers markets,
the removal of restrictions would lead to a significant increase
in agricultural production, even with the current land tenure pattern.
As farmers move away from the state acopios, there will be a need
for new institutions to provide agricultural finance and farm inputs.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
to
stabilize existing Cuban agricultural capability and local markets
in its economic transition, the U.S. Government can:
Provide technical expertise on the development of agricultural
financial markets and
marketing of farm inputs;
Provide technical expertise to achieve improved domestic
production of food, faster
transit to markets or food processing operations, and proper storage
facilities;
Help establish accessible, efficient markets, including farmers
markets and retail
grocers, that ensure price stability and incentives for growers
to bring produce to
market;
Provide technical advice on implementing and enforcing food
safety requirements for
producers, processors, and retailers;
Assist in the evaluation of capabilities and needs, as well
as provide guidance in
manufacturing requirements for exporting products to foreign markets;
and
Assist in the development of a sanitary and phyto-sanitary
(SPS) regulatory system, as well as other regulatory frameworks
necessary for exporting.
Infrastructure
All sectors of Cubas physical infrastructure (transportation,
energy, water, housing,
communications, and the environment) need significant overhaul.
In general, all
infrastructure sectors have suffered from cumulative problems that
the Castro regime has failed to address. Routine maintenance and
upkeep is necessary for all physical
infrastructures to assure its proper functioning.
The Cuban Transition Government initially may want to concentrate
on stabilizing
those infrastructure sectors most critical to advancing humanitarian
assistance such as its transportation and distribution networks
and its electrical generation, transmission, and distribution systems.
Ports, roads, and bridges suffer from a serious lack of investment,
as do many of the
supporting components of a healthy transportation and distribution
system. For example, warehousing facilities are in short supply,
and the rail network is old and suffers from disuse caused by the
collapse of the sugar industry. These issues will affect the Cuban
Transition Governments ability to provide humanitarian assistance,
especially food to areas outside of the major cities.
Cuban airports badly need safety upgrades to both their physical
facilities and air
traffic control systems. The current air traffic communications
arrangement, as well as the communications system between Cuba and
the United States, is barely sufficient for current traffic levels
and will be completely inadequate for accommodating the projected
traffic growth following the emergence of the Cuban Transition Government.
Power generation plants are antiquated and will eventually need
complete replacement.
In fact, the current operational capacity is less than 40 percent
of the
estimated total generation capacity. Moreover, under the Castro
regime, industrial and
commercial users have a higher priority than residential consumers
when supplies are
insufficient. This might be an area that the Cuban Transition Government
may wish to
review in order to fully satisfy what may be expected to be growing
residential demand.
The electricity generation, transmission, and distribution sectors
in particular will
need to be stabilized as soon as possible. Electricity on demand,
or the lack thereof, will be an early sign to the Cuban people of
whether hope is in store for a better life. The current system is
plagued by blackouts caused by a host of factors including improper
maintenance, use of inappropriate fuel, aging equipment, and unsuitable
spare parts.
Water distribution lines are from pre-revolutionary Cuba, are much
deteriorated,
and are in need of replacement. Distribution facilities are inadequate,
especially in regions away from major metropolitan areas. The same
is true for the existing Cuban sewage system. Each will require
physically extensive and financially expensive upgrading that should
be left for the democratically-elected Cuban Government.
Housing is another critical infrastructure sector that has suffered
under the Castro
regime. Much of the current housing stock is in a bad state of disrepair,
and will need
significant upgrading. In addition, most experts note that there
is a major housing shortage on the island. Estimates of the housing
shortfall go as high as 1.6 million units, leading to significant
overcrowding and further stress on the already poorly maintained
housing infrastructure.
Paradoxically, two sectors, communications and environment, may
actually be in a
better position to benefit as a consequence of past neglect. The
lack of an extensive
communications infrastructure, coupled with the worldwide industrys
continuing
technological breakthroughs, may offer Cuba some real alternatives
to wholesale physical replacement of existing wired telephone infrastructure.
Cuban Transition Government should look to the experiences of other
developing countries in modernizing its telecommunications infrastructure.
This is also a sector that should benefit fairly rapidly from free
market solutions, given a supportive legal, institutional, and regulatory
environment where private enterprises can thrive.
Extensive environmental degradation has occurred under numerous
failed Cuban
government central-planning initiatives in manufacturing and agriculture.
Cuba faces a
number of environmental issues ranging from degraded soil, salt-water
intrusion into its
fresh water supplies, wildlife habitat destruction, and air pollution.
In terms of land use, deforestation and over-cultivation, soil compaction
caused by
the use of heavy farm machinery, and strip mining have caused excessive
soil salinity and heavy land erosion. Salt-water intrusion into
freshwater streams has occurred as a
consequence of agricultural runoff from heavily treated fields.
Untreated wastewater from cities, sugar mills and other food-processing
plants, and nickel-mining operations have caused extensive damage.
In addition, irrigation practices have resulted in low
groundwater levels, causing significant salt-water intrusion in
fresh water and salinity in
coastal soils.
Water quality issues, including increased salinity and sedimentation
in freshwater
streams, have negatively affected Cubas wildlife habitat,
and an over-reliance on enclave tourism has degraded Cubas
fragile ecosystems, particularly its massive reef system that serves
as a spawning ground for a wide variety of aquatic species. Air
emissions from industry and transportation are another environmental
concern. Oil- fired power generation using high-sulfur domestic
fuel is a major source of air pollution. Moreover, although Cuba
has relatively few vehicles per capita, the vehicles it does possess
tend to be old and in need of pollution controls and maintenance.
Cuba already has the knowledge and technical ability to address
its infrastructure
failings. What Cuba lacks today is the financial support and legal
reform necessary to
implement the needed improvements.
Should the Cuban Transition Government request United States assistance
with
essential infrastructure in its economic transition, the U.S. Government
can:
Conduct assessments by relevant agencies of the critical
infrastructure, as outlined
above, with an immediate focus on the short-term need to provide
humanitarian and
technical assistance;
Assist in forming a Friends of a Free Cuba group of donors
at the beginning of the
transition period to address immediate infrastructure issues;
Provide technical assistance to Cubas air transportation
system to increase air safety between the United States and Cuba,
to ensure Cubas ability to adequately handle short-term emergency
assistance, to determine Cubas needs for upgrading its air
traffic system to handle an anticipated increase in passenger traffic,
and to ensure
that Cuban airports comply with international security standards;
Provide technical assistance to promote the maintenance and
upgrade of Cubas
critical maritime, road and railway systems needs, with an initial
emphasis focused
on distributing critical food and medical assistance to rural areas,
in an effort to
ensure that the needs of non-urban Cubans are adequately met;
Assess, with the Cuban Transition Government, the prospects
for using intra- island
barges to relieve Cubas inefficient land-based transport system
for the movement
of humanitarian relief to rural parts of the island;
Assess the feasibility of creating a regular scheduled ferry
service between Florida
and Cuba in order to accommodate the anticipated increase in transport
activity,
thus providing an economical means to move people and supplies for
humanitarian
purposes;
Similar attention should be paid to improving distribution
of agricultural produce from
agricultural/rural areas to markets and/or processors in a timely
manner so as to
allay spoilage of domestically grown produce;
Conduct an immediate assessment of the adequacy of electric
power supply to meet
critical needs and the adequacy and condition of the electricity
transmission and
distribution network;
Provide short-term assistance designed to ensure that the
Cuban electrical system
remains viable in advance of more extensive, privately financed
overhaul and
modernization;
Conduct an immediate assessment of fuel needs, refinery capability,
and adequacy and
condition of crude oil and product pipelines, and natural gas pipelines
and
distribution network;
Following an initial assessment of existing oil and gas inventory
and facilities in
Cuba, helping to ensure that emergency fuel needs are, at a minimum,
sufficient to
allow for the distribution of humanitarian assistance throughout
the island;
With respect to communications, there will be an immediate
increase in the demand
for international calls, particularly to the United States. U.S.
Government agencies,
and the U.S. private sector could provide technical assistance to
enhance
information flows, including access to computers and the Internet
for lower income
Cubans;
Encourage U.S. and foreign firms to invest in infrastructure
development and mobilize
private sector technical assistance (in the energy, housing, urban
planning, and
transportation sectors) through key trade and professional associations;
Provide advice on le gal, regulatory and financial reform
aimed at attracting private
investment in infrastructure;
In conjunction with the U.S. private sector, provide both
emergency restoration and
adequate maintenance to ensure that the existing housing stock is
at least adequate
in the short run and that Cubans without access to sufficient housing
have at least
temporary shelter until a growing Cuban economy can accommodate
new
construction; and
Offer to provide environmental and urban planning assistance,
especia lly at the local
level, both to promote citizen involvement in planning, and also
to ensure that the
most critical infrastructure needs are identified and met at the
earliest possible
opportunity.
Issues for a Free Cuba
A number of issues critical to the long-term economic success of
a free Cuba may
likely need to be addressed once a freely elected, democratic Government
is in place.
Three in particular are: the disposition of state-owned enterprises
(SOEs); the central role of the Cuban military in the Cuban economy;
and property rights. The sensitivity of each of these issues requires
that an elected government, enjoying widespread legitimacy with
the Cuban people, make the ultimate decisions in these instances.
In the interim, the Cuban Transition Government could consider undertaking
an inventory of SOEs to determine which ones may be viable for later
privatization, imposing budget constraints on non-viable SOEs, enacting
measures designed to prevent tunneling or asset stripping in state-owned
or military-controlled enterprises, and ensuring that private property
rights are respected.
It will be the role of a democratically-elected Government to decide
in a fair, humane, and transparent manner how to reconcile the needs
of the Cuban people at home and abroad with respect to the critical
issue of property rights. In that role, a free Cuban government
will need to take into account the need for national reconciliation
and the
desire of Cubans living abroad to return to and/or invest in a new
Cuba. It should avoid the example of some other transition countries,
such as Nicaragua, where the contentious issue of confiscated properties
has been allowed to fester for years.
Once a democratic Government is in place, the U.S. Government should
state clearly that it would respect the will of the Cuban people
as they deal with the problem of confiscated property on the basis
of fairness, equity, and national reconciliation. It should also
offer technical and monetary assistance to expedite the titling
process.
With respect to confiscated property that falls under the Foreign
Claims Settlement
Act, the U.S. Government should offer to settle these claims in
government-to-government negotiations. The United States should
also offer to allow any claimants who wish to seek private settlements
to do so.
CHAPTER
5
THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
The international community will be instrumental in assisting a
Cuban Transition
Government that guarantees political freedom, economic opportunity
and holds free and fair elections. Support from the international
community will also help accelerate Cubas reintegration into
the world economy, bring useful experiences to bear from other countries
that have succeeded in transitions, and ease the humanitarian and
financial burden on the Cuban Transition Government as it helps
the Cuban people regain their sovereignty after decades of repression,
abuse, and misrule.
If the Cuban Transition Government requests help, the U.S. Government
will work
with international organizations, bilateral donors, and international
and existing Cuban
assistance organizations to ensure coordinated and complementary
assistance.
Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Respond
to Critical
Humanitarian and Social Needs
Water and Sanitation
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) and UNICEF will be key
international partners for the water and sanitation sectors, especially
in providing clean
water and garbage disposal. The U.S. Go vernment has a long record
of working effectively with both institutions and provides budgetary
support to PAHO to implement programs throughout Latin America and
the Caribbean. Similar programs under PAHO could be supported to
aid the Cuba Transition Government secure potable water for the
Cuban people.
Health and Nutrition
The international community will be instrumental in assisting the
Cuban Transition
Government identify and respond to critical health and nutrition
needs. Support and
coordination in these efforts can maintain stability, and support
a safe and secure transition process. If critical health and nutrition
conditions exist, the U.S. Government could closely coordinate emergency
aid with donors and UN organizations such as the UN Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), UNICEF, the World Food
Program (WFP), PAHO, NGOs, existing independent Cuban organizations,
and other partners, such as the International Red Cross. When identified
critical needs are addressed or stable, U.S. Government health and
nutrition recovery response efforts can be closely coordinated with
PAHO, a close U.S. partner and key international healthcare assistance
organization.
PAHO is currently working with other bilateral donors that could
be involved in a future
Cuban- led transition.
Food Security
Support to the Cuban Transition Government to ensure food security
for the Cuban
people from the international community should be coordinated to
prevent duplication of efforts and to ensure Cuban sovereignty remains
respected. UN OCHA, WFP, UNICEF, UN Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO) and other donors could provide vital food aid, and agricultural
or livestock assistance, such as provision of food, veterinary drugs
for animals, and locally procured seeds. In addition, the UN WFP
school feeding initiatives are integrated into the existing Cuban
food system and should be utilized and expanded if necessary. Additionally,
existing government run school feeding programs for children of
different ages and backgrounds should be utilized where necessary.
Shelter
Should assistance with shelter be requested by the Cuban Transition
Government,
the U.S. Government could engage and coordinate efforts with the
international community to ensure any shelter or settlement related
actions are consistent with the desires of the Cuban Transition
Government, Cuban populace and are in accordance with international
standards. International and bilateral actors likely to become U.S.
Government partners in Cuba transition shelter activities could
include the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International
Organization for Migration (IOM), UN OCHA, ICRC, UN Habitat, and
UNDP. In addition, regional organizations such as PAHO, and the
Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) could provide critical shelter
assistance.
Education
The United Nations Development Program, UNESCO, the European Union,
the OAS, and bilateral donors could offer assistance to the Cuban
Transition Government in assisting in the reform of curricula, the
re-training of teachers, and the introduction of new textbooks and
computer-based learning.
Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Get to Free
and Fair
Elections The international community will have tremendous assets
to put at the disposal of the Cuban Transition Government to work
toward elections, and then into the future. The international community
can bring to bear international legitimacy, tremendous experience
in lessons learned from other nations in transition, and resources.
Technical advice and support can be solicited from nations that
have experienced similar transitions.
Military Reform
Former communist countries have undergone comprehensive transition
periods.
The militaries and security services of those countries also successfully
embarked upon varied types of reform as their governments took their
first steps as democracies. Cubans can draw from those experiences
by asking former communist countries to provide defense and security
experts to help as the Cuban military prepares to serve as a professional
force under the authority of a democratically-elected civilian government.
These countries could also possibly provide the Cubans during transition
with logistical support for their aging Soviet-era equipment. Other
democratic countries or international organizations may be able
to provide similar expertise and logistical support for the military
and security services.
Counter-narcotics and Counter-terrorism
Any law enforcement cooperation approved during the transition period
could be
expanded to include neighboring countries. Once a democratically
elected government is established in Cuba, the U.S. should sponsor
Cubas membership in regional institutions such as the OAS
and work with the UN to have Cuba become a signatory to the UN Convention
for Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism.
Engaging the International Community in Helping Cubans Create
Market-Based Economic Opportunities
Macroeconomic Stability
The international community can provide support through two channels:
(1) the
international financial institutions (IFIs) and; (2) direct donor
support. Should it be
requested by the Cuba Transition Government, (after the requirements
of the Libertad Act have been met), the U.S. could support having
the IMF and World Bank provide essential expertise or assistance
during this period in constructing a macroeconomic framework for
Cuba and developing credible financing gap estimates for use in
mobilizing bilateral donor support. In particular, the international
community should consider providing direct budget support to the
Cuban Transition Government to maintain essential social services
and prevent recourse to inflationary financing during the transition
period. External budget support would also help support Cubas
balance of payments by providing a foreign exchange inflow.
Integration with International Trade/Finance
The international community can support the Cuban transition by
removing restrictions on Cuban export products, which would allow
Cuban firms to earn foreign exchange and become more competitive.
It could also assist Cuba by working constructively with the Cuban
Transition Government to reconcile debt claims and standing ready
to consider necessary debt relief that would help Cuba achieve a
sustainable debt profile.
Small Business Development
When confronting issues involving debt, aid, and trade, to name
a few, the Cuban
Transition Government could benefit from working with the international
community
during the transition. Experts from former transitional economies
could be approached to provide technical assistance and best practices
with respect to their experiences in moving from a controlled to
a market-based economy. Moreover, the World Bank, IDB, and OAS can
be called upon to help create a regulatory and tax framework that
would encourage the creation of new, formal sector businesses, as
well as provide training and education for Cubans.
Property Rights
The international community and, particularly, former transitional
countries have
developed considerable experience in reestablishing titles to property.
The lessons of their experie nce could be useful to the Cuban Transition
Government as it prepares to deal with these issues in anticipation
of a democratically-elected government.
Infrastructure
The international community could play a major role in the reformation
of Cubas
physical infrastructure, both in terms of providing expertise and
badly needed financing.
An international donors conference might be useful to generate short-term
assistance so that the most critical infrastructure needs are addressed
during the transition. For example, the food distribution network
- road, rail, and air - outside of the major urban areas will need
to be rapidly improved to ensure that much needed food supplies
are transported to rural Cubans. In addition, NGOs have tremendous
technical and policy expertise on a wide variety of topics.
CHAPTER 6
THE VITAL ROLE OF CUBANS ABROAD
At the time of transition in Cuba, Americans will undoubtedly want
to redouble
their efforts to help the Cuban people. As part of a broader effort
by the international
community, Cubans living abroad around the world can play a crucial
role in providing
assistance in all of the areas covered by this report to secure
the success of the transition to a Free Cuba. Cubans living abroad
could provide much needed resources in the form of information,
research and know-how, as well as material support, remittances,
loans and investment capital.
As the 1998 Agreement for Democracy notes, there is
but one Cuban people. The
most tragic legacy of decades of brutal repression is the willful
sundering of the Cuban
family by the Castro dictatorship. In contrast, during these long
decades, Cubans abroad have time and again welcomed and helped their
brothers and sisters who fled the Castro regimes tyranny.
The dictatorship deliberately distorts the truth and sows fear in
order to keep
Cubans divided. Reconciling and reuniting the Cuban family in freedom
will be essential to the successful, rapid return of sovereignty
to the Cuban people and the nations healing.
Some Cubans abroad may want to go back to live out their days in
the homeland they love and were forced to leave. Others may wish
to rejoin and rebuild Cuba as citizens. Many will simply want to
help.
There is a strong and vibrant community of people from Cuba in Europe,
the United
States, and throughout the Western Hemisphere. These Cubans were
forced to seek refuge abroad by the brutal and repressive policies
of the Castro regime. They have been successful in all areas of
business, science, academia, and culture, yet their roots and connections
to home remain strong.
Cubans abroad are already playing a leading role in providing humanitarian
support
to their brothers and sisters on the island and are at the forefront
of efforts to promote the development of a civil society movement
capable of presenting an alternative to the failed policies of the
Castro regime. There is substantial and growing consensus among
Cubans, on and off the island, on the need for democracy and on
the belief that Cub ans alone have the right to debate and define
their democratic future.
The following chapter sets forth the Commissions recommendations
for steps the
U.S. Government should take now to prepare to implement this report
to respond rapidly to support a Cuban Transition Government. Similarly,
the Commission strongly believes that the Cuban community abroad
should re-double their efforts to foster reconciliation on and off
the island and to undertake steps now to organize and prepare to
assist a Transition Government in Cuba.
The Commission similarly recommends that the U.S. Government make
available
sufficient resources, including diplomatic, administrative, and
financial, to assist the Cuban community abroad in such preparation.
In addition, the U.S. Government should work with the Cuban community
to ensure that their support to the transition, and the planning
for it, is coordinated in a way that is consistent with overall
reconstruction efforts.
Helping Cubans Respond to Critical Humanitarian and Social Needs
Cubans abroad are already at the forefront of efforts to meet the
humanitarian needs of the Cuban people - doing from abroad what
the Castro regime will not do for its own people at home. Cubans
around the world have sacrificed to provide support to the families
of victims of political repression, as well as to aid religious
and other independent organizations in distributing critical food
and medical assistance across the island.
The Castro regimes neglect of the needs of its people has
been so severe for so long, that ameliorating the pent up, unmet
needs of the Cuban people will be vital to the success of the Cuban
Transition Government in holding elections. Therefore, the Cuban
community abroad could play a vital role in providing humanitarian
assistance, as well as assisting the U.S. Government and international
organizations in similar assistance to the Cuban Transition Government
and directly to the Cuban people.
Health and Nutrition
Americans in general and Cuban organizations, in particular, could
provide trained
doctors and nurses, who are native Spanish speakers and experienced
in disaster relief, to provide immediate support to Cubas
increasingly fragile and depleted health-care system at the time
of transition. Other Cuban organizations abroad have already established
networks throughout Cuba of independent Cuban citizens, including
doctors and nurses, who serve the communities in which they live.
These established grass-roots networks could be strengthened at
the time of transition to help meet the health needs of the Cuban
people. Cubans abroad could begin now to train in detection of acute
health problems that require medical assistance and to deliver preventive
health messages to vulnerable groups.
Food Security, Water, and Sanitation
Currently, assistance from Cubans abroad is critical in order to
prevent food insecurity and supplement the meager rations provided
by the Castro regime. Under the Cuban Transition Government, such
assistance from Cubans abroad will be all the more necessary to
secure a successful transition. Cubans abroad have expertise in
the food-security sector and their knowledge should be collectively
and effectively utilized to assist this transition. Similarly, Cubans
abroad with technical knowledge in water and sanitation could be
a tremendous asset to assist a Transition Cuban Government if assistance
is needed.
Education
Keeping a functioning school system through the transition period
will very likely be a
high priority for the Cuban Transition Government. As appropriate,
transition authorities
could invite Cuban teachers and school administrators from abroad
to volunteer to work in support of Cuban teachers as the Cuban Transition
Government staffs and manages its primary and secondary school systems
during the transition.
Helping Cubans Get to Free and Fair Elections
Both the international community and Cubans abroad in particular
will have
tremendous assets to put at the disposal of the Cuban Transition
Government to work
quickly to hold free, multiparty elections. Cubans abroad have organizational
structures already in place, language abilities and cultural awareness,
and a great and enduring personal interest in seeing improvements
in Cuba.
Cubans abroad may be witnesses to or victims themselves of human
rights
violations. As part of a broader effort to confront past abuses
and seek reconciliation, the Cuban Transition Government could draw
claims interviewers, including practicing
attorneys, from the Cuban community abroad to act in a supporting
role. There are several Cuban-American organizations that currently
have information regarding current and past human rights violations
on the island. In addition, Cubans abroad will likely wish to donate
money to support activities in this area.
The 1998 Agreement for Democracy expresses a vision
for a new Cuban military
to propitiate and guarantee the professionalism and political
neutrality of Cubas Armed Forces. Cubans abroad with
military and defense backgrounds could be invited by the Cuban Transition
Government to form teams to train, mentor, and advise Cuban defense
and military leadership through the transition.
Helping Cubans Create Market-Based Economic Opportunities
The Cuban Transition Government should consider that Cubans abroad
have cons istently demonstrated remarkable commercial, financial,
and academic success and could well prove to be critical in supporting
an economic transition in Cuba.
Cubans living abroad may be able to help with contributions from
trained economists and finance specialists to support the Cuban
Transition Government as it seeks to implement market-based macroeconomic
policies. They too will likely be a source of much needed capital.
Continued or increased remittances will likely be a crucial source
of foreign exchange and social support for many households as well
as key to revitalizing a liberalized Cuban economy during the transition.
The Cuban community could also prove an asset for the transition
by helping to establish new financial institutions or by assisting
U.S-based financial institutions to establish new branches or connections
in Cuba. Cubans abroad could prove to be an important source of
investment during the transition and especially in a Free Cuba.
Cubans abroad are especially well placed to provide support for
new Cuban
entrepreneurs during the transition. For example, Cuban-American
entities could use their in-depth knowledge of the U.S. market to
accelerate the establishment of commercial and economic linkages
between the U.S. and Cuba and facilitate the islands reintegration
into the world economy.
Cubans abroad could help revitalize Cubas agricultural sector
by providing
technical know-how, marketing expertise, and financial resources.
They could also provide guidance relating to the export/import of
agricultural commodities. They will also likely be an eager market
for uniquely Cuban products, wherever they reside.
In addition, the expertise of Cubans abroad could play a key role
in the area of
infrastructure. For example, Cubans are justly proud of their architectural
heritage. Both Cubans on the island and abroad could work, in partnership
with NGOs and relevant U.S. Government agencies, such as the Department
of the Interior, to preserve and restore Cubas historic heritage,
much of which has tragically been neglected under Castros
rule.
Property Rights
The Commission believes it would be detrimental for a Transition
Government to place impediments on the return of Cubans living overseas.
The return of exiles to Eastern European countries to help their
homelands
during their transitions to freedom and free market economic growth
provides a vision of how Cubans abroad can be an essential element
in
rebuilding a Free Cuba. In turn, Cubans abroad should understand
that
action on confiscated property is best postponed until a fully legitimate,
broadly representative democratic government is elected by the sovereign
people of Cuba.
CHAPTER 7
PREPARING NOW
TO SUPPORT THE TRANSITION
The publication of this second report of the Commission for Assistance
to a Free
Cuba does not conclude our work to help Cubans regain their freedom
and sovereignty.
Rather, with this report, the Commission continues an ongoing planning
and coordination process to hasten democracy in Cuba. Furthermore,
it institutionalizes ongoing planning by the United States Government
to support, if requested, a Cuban Transition Government that guarantees
political freedom, economic opportunity and holds free and fair elections.
There are core principles, particularly in regard to fundamental freedoms
and free
and fair multiparty elections, on which the U.S. Government will not
compromise. That
said, the Commission strongly believes the United States Government
must remain flexible and continually update our planning so as to
be ready to meet the Cuban people where they will want to lead their
nations transition to freedom. Accordingly, the U.S. Government
will need to continue to refine its strategy to adapt to changing
conditions in Cuba so that we are prepared to respond rapidly at a
moment of change.
The observations and recommendations contained in this report are
the result of a
deliberative interagency process aimed at identifying the kinds of
assistance a genuine
Cuban Transition Government would likely request of the United States
Government. It is important to stress that the purpose of the Commissions
ongoing planning process is to welcome good ideas that help us refine
our approach andabove all elseto keep pace with the process
of transition already being led by independent Cubans on the island.
The U.S. Government will need to be prepared well in advance to help
in the event
the Cuban Transition Government requests assistance. The U.S. Government
should
structure its preparations so as to offer assistance immediately to
the Cuban Transition Government bilaterally, as necessary, and then
fold it into a broader international effort as that develops. The
U.S. should encourage coordination of a broader international effort
starting now, in the planning phase.
In establishing a strong foundation on which to build, the first six
months of any
requested U.S. assistance program is of paramount importance. This
critical 180-day
period could mean the difference between a successful transition period
and the stumbles and missteps that have slowed other states in their
transitions toward democracy.
In addition to the steps recommended by the Commission to help hasten
the
transition, several steps can be taken to ensure broad-based involvement
of the U.S.
Government, international partners and organizations, as well as our
own civil society and private sector. The Commission believes we need
to take the practical steps outlined below toward implementing these
objectives now.
Essential Steps to Take Now
To encourage transition planning and preparedness, the Commission
recommends
that the U.S. Government:
Direct the Cuba Transition Coordinator to engage with Cubans
committed to
democratic change to review U.S. transition support plans to ensure
these support
Cuban needs and priorities;
Initiate diplomatic outreach to donor nations and International
Financial Institutions to
lay groundwork for a future multi-billion dollar fund to support the
consolidation of
a democratic transition in Cuba;
Establish a Cuba Transition Policy Coordinating Committee (PCC),
co-chaired by the
Cuba Transition Coordinator and the National Security Council, with
support from
the Department of States Coordinator for Reconstruction and
Stabilization. Sub-
PCCs on the various sectors, including democracy, security and rule
of law,
humanitarian assistance, and economic growth, should also be formed.
The PCC
would report to the Commission on the following:
o Ongoing transition planning, including inter-agency coordination
with state
and local officials;
o Recommending updates to transition plans, as circumstances warrant;
and,
o Coordination of inter-agency transition planning efforts, including
the
oversight of implementation of the recommendations in both the first
and
second CAFC report.
Direct the State Departments Office of the Coordinator
for Reconstruction and
Stabilization to prepare and maintain a list of U.S. Government employees
with
relevant Cuba or other reconstruction experience to aid a transition
government;
Incorporate training on Cuba into the Department of States
Foreign Service Institute
training curriculum to ensure the maintenance of this knowledge;
Direct the Department of Commerce to establish a private-sector
advisory committee
composed of experts on Cuba from around the country to ensure the
best available
advice is available to the U.S. Government as it prepares to support
a Cuban
Transition Government;
Begin active engagement with international organizations interested
in transition
preparation such as multilateral lending institutions, particularly
the IADB; UNDP;
UNICEF; WFP; the EU; OECD; OAS, and PAHO where possible. Early planning
by donor nations with the shared goal of helping to build a democratic
and
prosperous Cuba will ensure the synergy and timeliness of assistance
during and
after the transition;
Take full opportunity to work with existing groups and individuals
in and out of Cuba
committed to a Cuban- led transition, and support efforts to identify
skilled Cubans
living abroad and other Spanish- speaking persons interested in supporting
a Cubanled
transition process. Encourage these individuals and groups to be prepared
to
help with coordinated assistance efforts; and
Continue regular senior-level briefings of the U.S. Congress
so that members and staff are fully aware of U.S. transition planning
and efforts to hasten a transition in Cuba. Steps to Take Now to Prepare
to Help Cubans Respond to Critical Humanitarian and Social Needs The
rapid provision of humanitarian assistance to the Cuban people will
be critical to avoiding a humanitarian crisis and to ensuring the
success of a rapid transition to democracy on the island. While this
assistance must be based on a comprehensive and detailed assessment
of the needs on the island at the time, the U.S. Government must take
steps now to be in a position to provide this assistance rapidly and
successfully, and in concert with private and international organizations.
To be prepared to provide humanitarian assistance, the Commission
recommends
that the President:
Designate a U.S. agency to take the lead to immediately identify
critical humanitarian assistance, and a strategy for assessing needs,
pre-positioning, and delivering such assistance to encourage and support
a genuine transition;
Designate a U.S. agency to be prepared to deploy humanitarian
assistance in
underserved areas, including locations of critical deprivation, e.g.
prisons, within
one week from the date of such determination, should the Cuban Transition
Government request such aid;
Direct the Department of State, with other agencies as appropriate,
to begin
discussions with those countries and organizations, including UN agencies,
the
OAS and non-governmental organizations (including religious and faith-based
organizations) likely to provide humanitarian support to a Transition
Government;
Direct the Department of State and USAID to organize conferences
on humanitarian
aid to inform and to encourage a broad array of Cuban organizations
abroad and
other private entitie s to prepare to support a Cuban Transition Government;
Direct USAID to facilitate U.S. NGOs and Private Voluntary
Organizations (PVOs) to
register with USAID to assist transition planning and future aid projects,
and to
conduct training with these organizations on how to apply for, obtain,
and
administer USAID grants; and
Direct the Department of State to coordinate an inter-agency
process to plan for
assessments that would help the Cuban Transition Government determine
its needs
during the trans ition, including the development of common assessment
tools and
consensus on categories of vulnerability. This process should also
begin sectorbased
assessments to gather pertinent data for preparation efforts. Assessment
conclusions and additional recommendations should identify immediate
actions for
U.S. Government consideration, such as pre-positioning emergency food
and nonfood
items.
Steps to Take Now to Prepare to Help Cubans Get to Free and Fair Elections
The Commission recommends:
The President charge the Secretary of State with assembling
and maintaining a list of Cuban political prisoners to be used by
all U.S. agencies as the authoritative basis
for discussing the issue of political prisoners with the Cuban Transition
government
and for determining when the precondition to assistance has been met.
Accountable
individuals in the State Department, the Department of Homeland Security,
the
Department of Defense, and other agencies as appropriate, should be
tasked with
ensuring that all relevant information available to their agencies
is communicated
periodically to the Secretary of States designee for this purpose;
The President designate an appropriate U.S. agency to put in
place preparations that
will ensure that the U.S. will be in a position to provide technical
assistance in the
first two weeks after a determination that a Cuban transition is underway;
That the Secretary of State commission the development by qualified
legal experts of
an inventory of the obstacles in Cuban law to creating an environment
for
democratic elections as well as of the legal alternatives for repealing,
amending, or
suspending such provisions. Such experts should be charged with keeping
such
inventory up to date and should be qualified and prepared to provide
technical
assistance to a Cuban Transition Government immediately upon request;
The Department of State be made responsible for assembling
and maintaining current a list of criminal justice system personnel
implicated in corruption or abuse that will serve as the authoritative
guidance for all U.S. Government personnel discussing conditions for
potential U.S. assistance with a Cuban Transition Government;
The President designate a single U.S. Government agency as
responsible for provision of any requested training assistance to
Cuban police. That agency would maintain curriculum for courses designed
to provide immediate specialized training on
human rights, particularly those associated with political activities
such as freedom
of organization, freedom of expression, and political campaign activities.
It could
also design a training system for creating a new investigative police.
The agency
could enter into relationships with implementing partners and contractors
such that
it would have qualified personnel ready to deploy within two weeks
of a
determination that a transition was underway and the request of a
Cuban Transition
Government;
The President should designate a single U.S. agency to be responsible
for any
requested interim retraining of judges and prosecutors with a capability
to deploy
within two weeks of a determination that a transition was underway;
and
The President should designate a U.S. Government agency to
provide interim
retraining and other technical assistance to corrections system officers
if such a
request is made by a Cuban Transition Government.
Entering into retainer type arrangements with qualified
implementing partners now will
ensure that, when the moment comes, the U.S. Government will have
in place both plans and personnel ready to deploy to assist a Cuban
Transition Government from the outset, if requested. In doing so,
the U.S. Government will save valuable time once the transition occurs.
Every second wasted in scrambling to assemble teams of experts and
appropriate lists in the potentially chaotic moments following a transition
could lead to instability and reduce the effectiveness of the Cuban
Transition Government. The Commission therefore recommends:
The Secretary of State encourage the National Endowment for
Democracy (NED),
and other NGOs receiving funding from the U.S. Government to promote
democracy in Cuba, to have in place satisfactory plans for providing
immediate
assistance to the development of political parties, issue-based NGOs,
election
monitoring efforts, voter education campaigns, and the like immediately
following a
determination that a transition is underway. The U.S. Government should
make
funding available now to support this effort; and
That the Secretary of State ensure that an organization with
proven capability in
election administration has in place detailed plans and personnel
ready to deploy to
assist a transition government in providing credible election administration
should it
be requested. The arrangements should be such that this organization
can be
delegated to work with a responsible international organization if
appropriate. The
U.S. Government should make funding available now to support this
initiative.
Steps to Take Now to Prepare to Help Cubans Create Market-Based Economic
Opportunities
To be prepared to assist the Cuban Transition Government in taking
the necessary
steps to open up Cubas economy and establish the conditions
necessary for elections and the pre-conditions for a Free Cuba, the
Commission recommends that the U.S. Government:
Direct the Department of Commerce, Agriculture, the U.S. Trade
Representative, and
the Department of State to undertake a series of seminars with U.S.
companies in
order to initiate planning for assistance to a Transition Government
and ultimately
doing business with a free, democratic Cuba;
Identify model laws and practices that might be useful to a
Cuban Transition
Government seeking to enact legislation and regulations designed to
enhance
economic growth, attract foreign investment, and encourage entrepreneurship.
Additional Recommended Action
The President should direct the Commission to submit additional recommended
steps and reports as required on an ongoing basis. |